LCCC
ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
July 31/09
Bible Reading of the day
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ
according to Saint Matthew 13:47-53. Again, the kingdom of heaven is like a net
thrown into the sea, which collects fish of every kind. When it is full they
haul it ashore and sit down to put what is good into buckets. What is bad they
throw away. Thus it will be at the end of the age. The angels will go out and
separate the wicked from the righteous and throw them into the fiery furnace,
where there will be wailing and grinding of teeth. Do you understand all these
things? They answered, "Yes."And he replied, "Then every scribe who has been
instructed in the kingdom of heaven is like the head of a household who brings
from his storeroom both the new and the old."When Jesus finished these parables,
he went away from there.
Free Opinions, Releases, letters & Special
Reports
Please, a government that speaks to us-
By
Michael Young 30/07/09
Syria and Hizbullah After the Lebanese Elections.By: David Schenker 30/07/09
US
government’s shady dealings play into hands of violent extremists-
The Daily Star 30/07/09
Lebanese civil society must set a common agenda to shape policy-By
Imad Atalla 30/07/09
Latest
News Reports From Miscellaneous Sources for July
30/09
Nasrallah: New Government Is One
of 'Real Partnership' and 'May' Be Finalized Soon-Naharnet
Qahwaji Orders Army to Remain on High Alert-Naharnet
Bassil: We Want 13 Portfolios, including Interior Ministry-Naharnet
Rush
for Cabinet Formation Ahead of Army Day as Officials Wrangle on Services
Portfolios-Naharnet
Visiting Turkish FM
Stresses Importance of Lebanon Stability for Region-Naharnet
Gemayel: Reality Calls for
Phalange Strong Representation in Government-Naharnet
Susan Rice Admits U.S.
Can't Expand UNIFIL's Authority-Naharnet
Rush for Cabinet Formation
Ahead of Army Day as Officials Wrangle on Services Portfolios-Naharnet
Turkish
Foreign Minister in Beirut-Naharnet
Aoun
Holds Onto Bassil, Asks for Key Services Portfolios-Naharnet
Jumblat-Aoun
Meeting Soon, Franjieh to Visit Diman-Naharnet
Jumblat Says President is
the Guarantee, Demands Public Works Ministry-Naharnet
Division of Cabinet
Portfolios Among Political Parties-Naharnet
Ban Not Aware of Imminent
Israeli Plans to Attack South Lebanon-Naharnet
US says can't expand UNIFIL authority in Lebanon-Ynetnews
Lebanese agree on shape of
coalition cabinet – Hariri-Daily
Star
Israel’s Shalom accuses
LAF of supporting Hizbullah-Daily
Star
Amal ready to renew commitment to 1989 Taif Accord-Daily
Star
Sfeir reiterates Bkirki’s support for
reconciliation among Christians-Daily
Star
Lebanon’s Christians join
reconciliation trend-Daily
Star
Jumblatt’s criticism of visit by Israelis angers
Cairo-Daily
Star
Zoghbi library achievement of a lifetime-Daily
Star
Lebanese group launches
petition for faster Internet-Daily
Star
Zkak al-Blat residents protest constant power cuts-Daily
Star
Siniora: Lebanon ‘will thrive on co-existence-Daily
Star
EU worried about incidents
in south Lebanon-Daily
Star
Years
on, many Palestinians remain jailed unjustly-By
Inter Press Service
Jbeil water contamination leaves over 100 people
sick-Daily
Star
Hariri:
Government Formula Almost Final and We Are Seriously Working on Portfolios
Naharnet/Premier-designate Saad Hariri said Wednesday after talks with President
Michel Suleiman that a formula for a future government has almost been finalized
adding that the focus was now on the distribution of portfolios. "The government
formula is almost final, and we will work seriously on the distribution of
portfolios in order to reach an eventual shape-up," Hariri told reporters at
Baabda Palace. He said the cabinet's structure "allows for everyone's
participation. All teams are naming their own ministers making the government
one of real national unity." "I will continue to work seriously and silently, as
before, but with a slightly faster pace in order to come out with a capable
government," he said. Hariri thanked "all parliamentary blocs and President
Suleiman for their efforts that helped us reach this formula." Beirut, 29 Jul
09, 19:01
Lebanese
agree on shape of coalition cabinet – Hariri
Sleiman to have decisive say in decisions
Daily Star staff
Thursday, July 30, 2009
BEIRUT: Lebanese politicians have agreed on the shape of a new coalition cabinet
and will complete the allocation of ministerial portfolios within days, both
Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri and Premier – designate Saad Hariri said
Wednesday. Hariri aims to form a coalition cabinet which includes his “March 14”
alliance with a rival coalition including the powerful Hizbullah and its allies.
Berri said only “technical issues” remained, such as distributing ministerial
portfolios and assigning ministers to them, a process which should be completed
in the next few days.
“The political process that is related to forming the government … it can be
confirmed that it has been completed,” Berri told reporters after meeting
President Michel Sleiman at Baabda Palace. Hariri later held talks with Sleiman
for more than an hour Wednesday, and told reporters: “The formula for the
government is almost complete … we will work seriously, calmly and maybe a
little faster to come out with a government.” The main sticking point had been
the opposition’s demand for 11 ministers in the cabinet, giving them veto power.
A senior politician told Reuters Tuesday there was agreement on dividing seats
in a new 30-minister government in a way that would give neither Hariri’s
alliance an absolute majority nor Hizbullah and its allies veto power. President
Sleiman would be given a decisive say by being allowed to nominate five
ministers, including one Shiite to be approved by Hizbullah and its ally the
Shiite Amal movement. Hariri, who met Berri on Tuesday night, has said very
little publicly about his talks.
A senior political source said the two agreed on the formula for dividing the
seats in which Hariri’s coalition would get 15 seats, Hizbullah and its allies
10 seats, and five to Sleiman – the interior and defense posts, and three state
ministers. Hariri said the cabinet’s structure “allows for everyone’s
participation. All teams are naming their own ministers making the government
one of real national unity.” Hariri’s March 14 coalition, defeated Hizbullah and
its allies in a June 7 parliamentary election, winning 71 of 128 seats.
Berri said on Wednesday agreement was reached on the “guaranteeing role” of the
presidency, the main direction and policies the government will undertake and
its position on “national and resistance” issues, referring to the issue of
Hizbullah’s weapons.
Ban Not Aware of Imminent Israeli
Plans to Attack South Lebanon
Naharnet/U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon said Wednesday that he was not aware of Israeli
threats to attack civilian areas if there was any aggression on the Jewish state
from south Lebanon. "I'm not aware of any imminent Israeli plans. But whatever
the situation may be, again, it was a source of great concern that there were
serious violations of Security Council resolution 1701," he said during a press
conference in New York. Al-Akhbar newspaper said Thursday that Israeli army
officials had made a threat during a tripartite meeting held in Naqoura earlier
in the week to attack civilian areas in the south against the backdrop of the
explosion of an arms depot in Khirbet Selm. Ban said U.N. Special Coordinator
for Lebanon Michael Williams and UNIFIL Commander Maj. Gen. Claudio Graziano are
consulting on this matter with the Lebanese Army and government, as well as with
Israeli government officials to prevent any further violation of 1701. He said
there have been encouraging developments of the situation politically, and in
terms of security and stabilization in Lebanon. "All the parties concerned
should fully cooperate, so that this fragile peace and political stability
should be able to maintain its own course," Ban told reporters. The U.N. chief
added that he hoped the Israeli government would look at all the pending issues
to be resolved. Beirut, 30 Jul 09, 09:07
Rush for Cabinet Formation Ahead of Army Day as Officials Wrangle on Services
Portfolios
Naharnet/Government formation has now moved to the advanced stage of allocation
of ministerial portfolios as both majority and opposition wrangle to get the
important services seats.
An Nahar daily said Thursday that exceptional efforts are being made to choose
the ministers ahead of Army Day on August 1. However, the newspaper said that
"the rate of success seems limited" since all political forces want to claim the
services portfolios after agreeing on the defense, foreign, interior and finance
ministries. Lack of detailed agreement with Free Patriotic Movement leader Gen.
Michel Aoun on his share will also most probably hinder cabinet formation before
Saturday. Aoun said Wednesday night that not a single official had consulted
with him on the agreed government formula.
According to al-Liwaa, Aoun has criticized his allies, including Hizbullah, for
not consulting with him on the 15-10-5 formula reached for cabinet formation. He
reportedly said that he will not participate in the government if PM-designate
Saad Hariri doesn't personally discuss with him about his share. The FPM leader
has been calling for proportional representation.
An Nahar reported that both majority and opposition sources said there was no
possibility to form a government before five days or at least a week.
Both Speaker Nabih Berri and Hariri said Wednesday that Lebanese politicians
have agreed on the shape of a new coalition cabinet and will complete the
allocation of ministerial portfolios within days. As Safir daily hinted the
agreement came after Saudi-Syrian contacts resulted in a deal under which Saudi
King Abdullah would visit Damascus in the aftermath of the official announcement
of cabinet formation.
The newspaper said Hariri, President Michel Suleiman and Berri would be among
the guests welcoming Abdullah at Damascus airport.
According to Al-Liwaa, the political assistants of Berri and Hizbullah leader,
Ali Hassan Khalil and Hussein Khalil, have lately visited Damascus which urged
them to give up demands for veto power and let the president's share (5 seats)
in cabinet have the final say. In the previous government, Hizbullah and its
allies had 11 out of 30 seats -- enabling them to have veto power over major
decisions. Al-Liwaa said Aoun is wrangling with Hariri over the
telecommunications portfolio which the FPM leader wants to give to Jebran Bassil
again, while MP Walid Jumblat wants the public works ministry, eyed by the
Lebanese Forces. MP Suleiman Franjieh is also demanding the health portfolio
which now belongs to Berri's Amal movement.
Amid quarrel over cabinet seats, intensive consultations continued. Informed
sources did not rule out to pan-Arab daily al-Hayat a meeting that would bring
together Aoun, Berri and Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah to deal with
the demands of the FPM leader and agree on portfolios. An Nahar said that
opposition representatives held a meeting Wednesday night during which they
discussed allocation of seats. Hariri also continued his consultations by
meeting with LF leader Samir Geagea at a time when Aoun was holding talks with
Ali Hassan Khalil and Hussein Khalil on the shares of the opposition in the new
cabinet. Beirut, 30 Jul 09, 08:24
Turkish Foreign Minister in Beirut
Naharnet/Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu arrived in Beirut Thursday on
a two-day official visit during which he will discuss Turkish-Lebanese ties and
developments in Lebanon and the region. A foreign ministry statement said
Davutoglu will meet with President Michel Suleiman, PM-designate Saad Hariri,
Speaker Nabih Berri, Caretaker Premier Fouad Saniora and Foreign Minister Fawzi
Salloukh. The Turkish minister will also visit his country's contingent serving
with UNIFIL in south Lebanon, according to the statement. Davutoglu lauded in a
press conference in Ankara on Wednesday Lebanon's stability and efforts to form
a new cabinet in the aftermath of the democratic elections held in June. His
visit to Beirut comes a few days after traveling to Syria accompanied by Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan where they discussed latest developments with
Syrian President Bashar Assad. Beirut, 30 Jul 09, 10:30
Aoun Holds Onto Bassil, Asks for Key
Services Portfolios
Naharnet/Free Patriotic Movement leader Gen. Michel Aoun's insistence to bring
back his daughter's husband, Jebran Bassil, to the telecommunications ministry
is reportedly the latest obstacle to cabinet formation. Aoun, according to
Beirut media, is holding onto demands for six shares and keeping Elias Skaff in
the government. The MP has held a meeting with the political assistants of
Speaker Nabih Berri and Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Ali Hassan
Khalil and Hussein Khalil, to discuss cabinet shares. According to al-Liwaa
daily, Aoun has criticized his allies, including Hizbullah, for not consulting
with him on the 15-10-5 formula reached for cabinet formation. He reportedly
said that he will not participate in the government if PM-designate Saad Hariri
doesn't personally discuss with him about his share. The FPM leader is calling
for proportional representation, meaning seven portfolios, that include five
Christian ministers, among them at least three Maronites, al-Liwaa said. Aoun
has also lashed out at those calling for abandoning ministers who have lost the
parliamentary elections, in reference to Bassil. The FPM leader has stressed
that he alone chooses his ministers. Al-Liwaa said that the two Khalils tried to
convince Aoun to limit his demands but the MP insisted on bringing back Bassil
to the government and demanded giving Issam Abu Jamra and Mario Aoun, who have
both lost the elections, cabinet seats.
Aoun has demanded the telecommunications and public works or health ministries
putting himself in a direct confrontation with Berri. Al-Mustaqbal TV, in its
turn, said that MP Suleiman Franjieh tried to convince Aoun to visit the
president, but he rejected. Al-Akhbar newspaper also said that a meeting was
held between Bassil and MP Ali Hassan Khalil on Wednesday night to discuss
Aoun's demand to get the health ministry. Beirut, 30 Jul 09, 09:36
Jumblat-Aoun Meeting Soon, Franjieh
to Visit Diman
Naharnet/As part of ongoing reconciliations, Tawheed movement leader Wiam Wahab
visited Progressive Socialist Party chief Walid Jumblat at his residence in
Clemenceau for the second time. Jumblat told Al-Akhbar newspaper on Thursday
that both sides discussed ways to overcome the repercussions of the May 7
clashes last year. Informed sources said that Wahab proposed expanding
inter-Druze and Druze-Shiite reconciliations to include Druze-Christian talks.
Al-Akhbar added Jumblat informed Wahab that the only obstacle in the PSP
leader's meeting with MP Michel Aoun is related to location. Wahab on Thursday
told LBC that he is not a mediator between Aoun and Jumblat but he advised for
openness in order to strengthen Lebanon and the mountains. As Safir daily said a
meeting could soon be held between Jumblat and the leadership of the Syrian
Social National Party headed by Minister Assaad Hardan.
The newspaper added that efforts to bring together Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir and
MP Suleiman Franjieh have made progress and the Marada leader could visit the
head of the Maronite church in Diman soon. Beirut, 30 Jul 09, 12:19
Jumblat Says President is the Guarantee, Demands Public Works Ministry
Naharnet/Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblat said that the
president is the guarantee for making key decisions and demanded the public
works ministry portfolio in the new cabinet. President Michel Suleiman "will be
the guarantee. Meaning, the use of veto power will no longer be possible and
there will be no need for it," Jumblat said.
He told several Beirut dailies that Lebanese parties want the cabinet to be
formed by the end of the week. He said that he asked the opposition to nominate
Minister of Youth and Sports Talal Arslan for a seat the new government, because
"I cannot include him in my share due to an atmosphere of consensus, and because
I cannot obstruct the formation of the new cabinet."
The Druze leader also said he did not want the ministry of the displaced and
information, adding he has only asked for the public works ministry which was
held by Ghazi Aridi in the previous cabinet. "It seems that we are second and
even third class citizens and we don't have the right to any key ministry," the
PSP leader said. Asked about the non-attendance of the PSP representative at the
weekly meetings of the March 14 general secretariat, Jumblat quipped: "It's the
primordial stage." Beirut, 30 Jul 09, 10:07
Division of Cabinet Portfolios Among
Political Parties
Naharnet/Although the process of allocation of cabinet portfolios is in its
early stages, it is now clear that the president's share will include Elias Murr
as defense minister, Interior Minister Ziad Baroud and Adnan al-Sayyed Hussein
who will get the Shiite seat. A Sunni minister from the president's share and a
fifth Catholic remain to be chosen. Sources following up cabinet formation told
al-Mustaqbal daily that Hussein's nomination was made because the man is a
respectable academic who has previously worked with President Michel Suleiman in
preparing defense strategy and national dialogue files. In terms of wrangling
over cabinet portfolios, As Safir newspaper said PM-designate Saad Hariri is
seeking to give his Mustaqbal movement the telecommunications ministry currently
held by Jebran Bassil. Free Patriotic Movement leader Gen. Michel Aoun has made
it clear that he won't relinquish Bassil. MP Walid Jumblat is also asking for
the public works ministry which the Lebanese Forces is eying. Meanwhile, the LF
and Phalange are asking for two ministers each although there is a tendency by
Hariri to give both of them three ministers only. Aoun is holding onto naming
two Maronite ministers and one Catholic, which means that Suleiman Franjieh, who
wants the health ministry, has to name an Orthodox minister. The Tashnag, in its
turn, would choose the Armenian minister. LF MP Antoine Zahra told As Safir that
his party wants one normal and another services portfolio.
Beirut, 30 Jul 09, 11:32
Sfeir: Bkirki's Doors Open for Everybody, Including Franjieh
Naharnet/Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir on Wednesday reiterated Bkirki's
support for reconciliation efforts and welcomed a reunion with Marada Movement
leader Suleiman Franjieh. He said Bkirki's doors were open to all, including
Franjieh. "Bkirki's doors are open for everybody, and MP Franjieh is from the
heart of the sect," said Sfeir following a meeting in Diman with MP Sami Gemayel
as well as Phalange party politburo members Sejaan Qazzi and Walid Fares. The
delegation put Sfeir in the picture of their weekend meeting with Franjieh at
Phalange Party leader Amin Gemayel's residence in Bikfaya. Sfeir expressed
satisfaction with that meeting, saying he hopes similar get-togethers would take
place between the various Christian sides "that had grown distant from each
other due to political circumstances." Sfeir called for "deepening the spirit of
dialogue and convergence, which contribute to consolidating national unity in
the face of challenges threatening Lebanon." Beirut, 29 Jul 09, 14:31
Lebanon’s
Christians join reconciliation trend
Damascus appears to back renewed rapport in bid to demonstrate its postive role
By Michael Bluhm /Daily Star staff/Thursday, July 30, 2009
Analysis
BEIRUT: Lebanese Christian leaders are undertaking a significant political
reconciliation, moved by a budding regional atmosphere of engagement, a push
from Syria and the inescapable domestic electoral fate of a national unity
cabinet, a number of analysts told The Daily Star on Wednesday. Lebanese Forces
head Samir Geagea, a stalwart of the Western-backed March 14 coalition, said on
Wednesday he was open to meeting with Marada Movement chief Sulieman Franjieh,
long a staunch Syrian ally and a member of the Syrian-backed March 8 alliance.
Enmity between Geagea and Franjieh dates to the 1975-90 Civil War and was
punctuated by the so-called Ehden Massacre of June 1978, when Franjieh’s MP
father Tony – and his mother and sister – were assassinated by a squad of
Phalange Party fighters that allegedly included Geagea, though Geagea says he
did not participate in the killing. Reconciliation efforts moved forward Sunday
with a meeting between Franjieh and Phalange Party leader and former President
Amin Gemayel.
Typically for Lebanon, this new political phenomenon derives from a similar
dynamic in the region, said Paul Salem, head of the Carnegie Middle East Center.
The Syrians have for some time been involved in reconciling with Saudi Arabia,
and the US under President Barack Obama has moved to engage Syria and Iran, he
added.
Everybody’s talking to everybody else. Now it is also including Christian and
Christian,” Salem said. “That’s the real broad reason. There is nothing
particularly among the Christians which would have necessitated the timing.”
Syria appears to be backing the renewed rapport, building on the steps it took
to ensure peaceful general polls here in June, Salem said. “It has enabled many
things, and I think this is one of them,” he added. Chaperoning intra-Christian
reconciliation in Lebanon would also demonstrate to the US and France that Syria
is playing a positive role and not interfering in Lebanon, said Shafik Masri,
professor of constitutional law.
“Syria is in need of presenting new pieces of evidence of its good faith in
dealing with Lebanon,” he said. Syria has begun breaking out of the
international isolation that followed the February 2005 assassination of former
Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, which many blamed on Damascus, although
Syria has denied any connection to the killing. For its part, the US has sent
special envoy for the Middle East George Mitchell to Damascus twice since
Mitchell took up the post this year.
Emerging from isolation, Syria might also be supporting the reconciliation drive
in order to further its return to influence in Lebanon by making inroads with
Christian leaders, who have traditionally viewed Damascus mostly with suspicion,
Salem said. Syria is endeavoring to “extend its relations again among Christian
leaders and not to be considered an enemy by many Christian leaders, as it has,”
he added. Franjieh, who in the election campaign espoused “harsh” and “fierce”
rhetoric against Christian leaders such as President Michel Sleiman and
Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Butros Sfeir, has been playing a bridging role
between Syria and its Christian foes here, Salem said.
“He is very much playing conciliator,” Salem added. “That does reflect something
relating to Syria … and the role it is being asked to play.” From the
perspective of the March 14 camp, Franjieh represents the most convenient figure
for reconciliation because he is less of a threat than Free Patriotic Movement
leader MP Michel Aoun, the March 8 alliance’s most popular Christian politician
and the head of the second-largest bloc in Parliament with 27 seats, said Habib
Malek, who teaches history at Lebanese American University and is the son of
former President Charles Malek . The reason March 14 people find it easier to
open up to [Franjieh] is, he is more innocuous,” added Malek . “Mending fences
with him will not detract from the authority of the other. He is safe sex,
politically.”
The omnipresence of Franjieh, who stands as something of a “junior partner” to
Aoun in the March 8 faction, only underscores the omission of Aoun from the
reconciliation equation, Malek said. Since Aoun’s return in 2005 after 14 years
of exile in France, Christian leaders here have been trying to marginalize and
ostracize the retired general, Malek added.
“Everybody seems to be avoiding reconciling with him,” Malek said, adding that
some Christian leaders saw their differences with Aoun as irreconcilable. “Aoun
is conspicuously absent.”
In coming together for the reconciliation, Christian politicians from the March
14 camp might see the peace-making as an opportunity to cement an anti-Aoun
coalition, said Masri. “It is the case of the Phalange, the Lebanese Forces and
the [National Liberal Party] of [MP Dory] Chamoun,” Masri added.
The newfound amity among Christian leaders also stems partly from the outcome of
the June 7 parliamentary elections, which made a national unity cabinet
unavoidable, despite March 14’s unexpectedly wide margin of victory over March
8, said Salem. “It’s an easy time to get together,” Salem said. “They’re all
going to be together in a government. It’s understandable that the ones who are
going to be in the government … are going to reconcile.” Christian politicians
might also have been moved to act after seeing their Muslim counterparts, such
as Democratic Gathering chief Walid Jumblatt, actively pursuing reconciliation
powwows, Masri said. Befitting his posture as being above the fray of Lebanon’s
bruising politics, Sleiman has also welcomed and furthered the reconciliation,
meeting with Franjieh Monday, Salem said. “He’s been trying to be the godfather
of all reconciliation in Lebanon,” Salem added. “He sees that as very much his
own role. He doesn’t have a power base of his own, but he can be the broker.”
Sfeir, who Wednesday said his doors were open to Franjieh, has also endorsed the
reconciliation, perhaps seeing an opening to position himself as the leading
figure of a unified Christian leadership bloc, Masri said.
In the end, the reconciliation appears confined to the political sphere, not a
push for a broad-based, popular examination of the antipathies and atrocities of
the Civil War a la South Africa’s post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation
Commission, Salem and Malek said. Bringing decades-old enemies together does, in
any event, represent a meaningful political moment, Salem added. “This is very,
very significant, politically,” Salem said. “It might eventually create a
dynamic for more openness and cooperation among Christian leaders, which has
been absent since the late 1970s.” The fence-mending does not, though, reflect
any public moves to address to longstanding, deep-seated grievances, Salem
added. “This has nothing to do with it,” he said. “This is two warlords making
up. It’s limited to a very important political development.” With regional and
domestic political winds pointing toward entente, the Christian leaders seem
merely to be following the prevailing political climate rather than bringing an
end to decades of hostility, Malek said. “The pattern here is patch-up
agreements that get us from one crisis to the next,” he said. “It’s never
final.”
Jumblatt’s criticism of visit by Israelis angers Cairo
Daily Star staff/Thursday, July 30, 2009
BEIRUT: Egypt’s Foreign Ministry this week lashed out at Progressive Socialist
Party (PSP) leader MP Walid Jumblatt following the latter’s criticism of Egypt
for hosting Israeli leaders to a ceremony to mark the anniversary of the
Revolution of July 23. In his editorial in PSP’s Al-Anbaa weekly newspaper,
Jumblatt attacked Egypt for hosting Israeli President Shimon Peres and Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the ceremony. “It is worth mentioning that
Jumblatt, a leader in the March 14 coalition and who had received Egyptian
support, said things like this on Egypt, which had welcomed at multiple times,”
said Egypt’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Hussam Zaki. “We categorically reject
any speculation on Egyptian stances or Egyptian history,” Zaki added in his
remarks published by pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat on Wednesday. “We are fully aware
of the objectives behind Jumblatt’s remarks,” he added without elaborating. Al-Hayat,
however, quoted other official Egyptian sources in Cairo as saying that Egypt
was “not surprised” by the PSP leader’s statements. “We are aware that Jumblatt
has for some time now been undertaking political re-positioning and is making
advances to Syria and Hizbullah,” one of the sources said. However, the sources
downplayed Jumblatt’s statements “after it became clear that he is a sectarian
leader and his rhetoric is filled with empty political slogans.” – The Daily
Star
Sfeir reiterates Bkirki’s support for reconciliation among Christians
Daily Star staff/Thursday, July 30, 2009
BEIRUT: Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Butros Sfeir reiterated Wednesday Bkirki’s
support for reconciliation efforts among various Christian factions and welcomed
a possible meeting with Marada Movement leader MP Sleiman Franjieh. He said
Bkirki’s doors were open to all, including Franjieh. “Bkirki’s doors are open
for everybody, and MP Franjieh is an integral member of the Maronite
confession,” said Sfeir following a meeting at his summer residence in the
mountainous northern village of Diman with Phalange Party MP Sami Gemayel as
well as the party’s politburo members Sejaan Qazzi and Walid Fares. The
delegation briefed Sfeir about their weekend meeting with Franjieh at Phalange
Party leader Amin Gemayel’s residence in Bikfaya. Sfeir said he was pleased with
the meeting, adding that he hoped similar get-togethers would take place between
the various Christian sides “that had grown distant from each other due to
political circumstances.” He also called for “deepening the spirit of dialogue
and accord, which contribute to consolidating national unity in the face of
challenges threatening Lebanon.”
Meanwhile, Lebanese Forces (LF) boss Samir Geagea said Wednesday he was ready to
meet with the head of the Marada Movement. “We have reconciled with the Marada a
while ago and we maintained contacts in one form or the other,” Geagea said.
Israel’s Shalom accuses LAF of supporting Hizbullah
By Dalila Mahdawi /Daily Star staff
Thursday, July 30, 2009
BEIRUT: Israel’s Deputy Prime Minister Silvan Shalom on Wednesday accused the
Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) of being the principal backer of Hizbullah after the
group’s closest allies, Syria and Iran. In an interview published in the
pan-Arab newspaper Al-Hayat, Shalom said that instead of disarming the Shiite
group in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which ended
Israel’s 34-day war on Lebanon, the LAF is rather allowing Hizbullah to
replenish its military arsenal. The LAF fails to confiscate weapons that Iran
sends to Hizbullah through Damascus and Syria’s Latakia Port, Shalom added.
He also remarked on Prime Minister designate Saad Hariri’s recent rejection of a
peace deal with Israel, saying his statement was merely “a reaction to the
[Lebanese June 7] election results and a desire to bring stability” to the
country.
In comments made on June 9, Hariri said he would not initiate independent
Lebanese-Israeli peace talks but would rather “follow on from the Arab
initiative.”
Israel had expected Lebanon to be the second Arab country to sign a peace deal
with Tel Aviv after Egypt in 1979, Shalom admitted. That possibility was
destroyed as “Lebanon witnessed several conflicts that obstructed the
possibility of holding peace talks,” he said, referring to Lebanon’s 1975-90
Civil War.
“The difficult times that Lebanon faces drove many Christians to leave the
country, which made Christians the minority and hence made them more radical,
and made peace with Israel more complicated,” he said. The Israeli official
added
that he was “optimistic” about diplomatic action to settle long-standing
disputes over the northern side of Ghajar village and the Shebaa Farms, Lebanese
territory currently occupied by Israel. Shalom also urged Syria to make “core
and strategic [policy] changes” and to sever ties with Iran, Hizbullah and
Hamas.
Shalom’s remarks came as Israeli media reported on Wednesday that Tel Aviv was
considering re-establishing a 1949 UN armistice commission with Lebanon in order
to kick- start negotiations with neighboring states. Israeli officials have
supposedly discussed the possibility with the UN, EU and US, Israel’s Haaretz
newspaper claimed.
The Lebanese-Israeli General Armistice Agreement was established on March 23
1949. It held regular meetings at border posts which were attended by two
Lebanese representative, two Israeli representatives and a chairman from the
United Nations Truce Supervision Organization. It was disbanded in 1967 on
Israel’s initiative, Haaretz said. According to the paper, Israel’s hawkish
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has also asked the Foreign Ministry to
present to Cabinet an updated position on the Shebaa Farms and on a potential
withdrawal from the Lebanese side of Ghajar.
Israeli Army commander Gabi Ashkenazi said on Tuesday that Tel Aviv was closely
monitoring the Lebanese border, but did “not anticipate a disruption of quiet in
the area.”
Tensions along the border have mounted after a weapons cache attributed to
Hizbullah blew up two weeks ago in Khirbet Silim, with Ashkenazi saying the
incident proved Israeli claims that Hizbullah was rearming. – With additional
reporting by Carol Rizk
Amal ready to renew commitment to 1989 Taif Accord
Daily Star staff/Thursday, July 30, 2009
BEIRUT: The Shiite Amal Movement published on Wednesday the political document
of its 12th convention in the hope of strengthening constructive political
dialogue. Amal held its 12th convention under the title, “Martyrdom and Victory
Convention-July 2006,” earlier this month to discuss Lebanese political,
economic and social developments over the last four years.
According to the document, Amal is ready to renew its commitment to the 1989
Taif Accord, which brought an end to Lebanon’s 1975-90 Civil War, and also to
adopt a new electoral law based on proportional representation.
The document tackled the issue of women’s representation in Parliament,
promising Amal would “dedicate five parliamentary seats for women
representatives,” as well as executive decentralization and the adoption of
modern municipality laws.
Amal said it was determined to put an end to Israeli ambitions in Lebanon and to
strengthen Lebanon’s Hizbullah-led resistance and the Lebanese Armed Forces.
“Amal aims to strengthen relations with Syria and the neighboring Muslim
countries, especially Iran and Turkey” the document said.
The Shiite party also paid tribute to Amal’s former leader, Sayyed Moussa Sadr,
who disappeared in 1978 after traveling to Libya. “The disappearance of Imam
Moussa Sadr and his two companions was and remains the Movement’s priority,” the
document read.
Addressing national issues, Amal emphasized the need to eliminate sectarian
politics and modernize certain Lebanese laws. The party also discussed tax
inequality, saying the party was looking “to eliminate the injustice of a system
that lays tax burdens on lower and middle classes.”
As for the party’s projects in the south, Amal said it hoped to provide
compensation to all residents, farmers and companies who suffered damage during
Israel’s 34-day war on Lebanon in 2006. Amal also said it would fully support
Lebanon’s ongoing demining operations led by the Lebanese army.
On the educational level, the party said it was willing to work with the
government to build a unified Lebanese University campus in the south and the
Bekaa. Amal is also looking toward “linking Lebanon to its Diaspora through
educational and commercial communication networks,” the document said. The Amal
document concluded by saying the party’s objectives could lead to “a more stable
and more developed Lebanon,” and could make the country “a model village where
different civilizations and religions co-exist.”“These were the goals of Sayyed
Moussa Sadr,” the document read. “He hoped to eliminate poverty in Lebanon, and
to end Israel’s violence.” – The Daily Star
Zoghbi library achievement of a lifetime
‘Now there aren’t many people but those who come do so regularly’
By Lea Khayata
Special to The Daily Star/Thursday, July 30, 2009
People and Places
QORNET SHEHWAN: In the backyard of a charming old house on the road leading to
Bikfaya, an old man is sitting on a chair, sipping his coffee, and reading a
bookmark-spiked tome entitled “What is Culture?” At 93, Phares Zoghbi enjoys a
calm retreat in his house, which is also “his” library, and the achievement of a
lifetime. The former book collector now shares his passion for books with the
public, although his life’s work is now the property of Saint Joseph
University’s Law School and Humanities faculties, thanks to an agreement he
reached with the Jesuits in 2002.
With Beirut designated as the 2009 World Book Capital, the Phares Zoghbi
Cultural Foundation is having a busy year. A large sign has been hung above the
main gate in Qornet Shehwan to remind every passer-by of the event.
The foundation held a round table discussion last week on the future of private
libraries like Zoghbi’s in Lebanon.
The library, named after its creator, contains over 50,000 books, mainly in
French, but also in Arabic, English, Spanish and Portuguese, as Zoghbi was born
in Brazil. He moved to Qornet Shehwan at the age of 10, where he began the study
of Arabic and French. On the loaded bookshelves, one can find novels, but also
books on history, law, economy and religion. They even conceal some treasures
that can’t be found elsewhere, like the complete collection of the French
philosophy magazine “Esprit,” established in 1932.
“People from the magazine have a home here. They even came once to visit,” says
Zoghbi.
Everyone can enjoy this collection. Visitors can settle in one of the numerous
reading rooms on the ground floor, or in the peaceful garden behind the
two-storey home. The library allows readers to borrow books for two weeks, at a
cost of only LL 30,000 a year.
Zoghbi lives upstairs, but his residence and the library in fact overlap. When
you climb the spiral staircase, the first room on the upper floor is part of the
official library, and full of bookshelves. Zoghbi’s bedroom, living room and
even the dining room are full of books, which are stacked on shelves, tables and
chairs. But Zoghbi doesn’t keep them to himself. They are registered in the
library’s electronic system, and can be borrowed like other items displayed on
the shelves downstairs. When one is requested, the librarian comes up and
removes the book, for delivery to its new temporary owner.
“I didn’t expect such a success,” Zoghbi notes. “It took some time for the first
visitors to come. Now, there aren’t many people, but the ones who come do so on
a regular basis. We had two young men working on their baccalaureate who used to
come daily … and now a student working on her thesis from France.” The retired
lawyer has always been passionate about books, and started buying them in
significant numbers in the 1950s.
“His passion for books always took a huge place in his life, maybe even more
than his job,” says Camille Ziade, an old friend and former MP who met Zoghbi
during an internship at the lawyer’s law firm 40 years ago. In 2000, Zoghbi
retired and used part of his indemnity to travel, another of his passions, while
buying books to fill out his already large collection. When he sold his house
and gave all the books in it to the Jesuits a few years later, he earned money
to continue his travels and hobby of collecting. These days, he selects books
for inclusion in the library, but USJ picks up the tab. “The Jesuits’ idea was
brilliant! I can live and enjoy my passion to the fullest,” he says.
Zoghbi’s difficult mission has involved promoting culture of reading in a
country where books aren’t much praised.
“Lebanese don’t have libraries at home, they don’t read much either,” he notes,
chuckling about his library’s stumbling success among people from the immediate
neighborhood.
“I can’t say they rush over here. During all these years, I haven’t seen a
single inhabitant of Qornet Shehwan, although I know them and they know me!”
Still, Zoghbi hasn’t considered the option of moving his library to another
location. “I did it here on purpose, for Qornet Shehwan. Linking it with USJ
gives fame to the library beyond the village, but it is first and foremost for
the latter that I did this.”
But despite the slow road to seeing his massive book collection reach a wider
audience, Zoghbi remains optimistic.
“It is an extremely slow process, but awareness is rising in Lebanon thanks to
the few people involved in promoting culture. They may not be numerous, but they
constitute a tremendous strength.” For others who struggle to boost awareness
about books and reading, and the importance of libraries, Zoghbi’s example is
one of a determination to see through the initiative of a lifetime. I don’t have
a single doubt when saying that I did well. Creating this library and making it
accessible to the public is something that had to be done.” “Culture is what
remains when everything else has disappeared,” he says, citing an eastern
proverb. His library embodies it perfectly.
Please, a government that speaks to us
By Michael Young
Commentary by
Thursday, July 30, 2009
The news on Wednesday from Nabih Berri was that we are closer to a new
government than anyone thought. If the Parliament speaker’s optimism is
justified, that’s good news for Saad Hariri, the prime minister designate, whose
imperturbability is beginning to look, dangerously, like lethargy as Lebanon
nears the two-month mark after parliamentary elections.
Attention had focused on whether the opposition would continue to demand veto
power in the government. Berri’s statements suggested that we may now be beyond
that undertaking to turn the March 14 electoral victory into brine. But even if
the crisis persists, Hariri must do several things before the government is
formed to ensure its success, as well as his own and that of his allies. The
June victory has evaporated in the minds of those who favored the majority.
Voting against Hizbullah and Michel Aoun was the easy part. What many people are
now wondering is what they voted for, and no good answer has been forthcoming.
Hariri must identify clear-cut problems the government intends to address. To
promise to fix the economy is meaningless; people want something palpable,
something they can measure. Water shortages, electricity outages, gridlocked
traffic, high gasoline prices, and a myriad of other problems that the Lebanese
have to deal with on a daily basis will soon be Saad Hariri’s problems. He has
to show that he is prepared for them, and say so publicly. Begin with the
electricity sector, the most blatant mark of state incompetence. Let Hariri
promise us that by the next elections Lebanon will have 24 hours of power a day,
or something nearing that. Voters on both sides of the divide chose
representatives whom they felt might bring in a more effective state. They’re
waiting.
Secondly, Hariri has to draw attention to those around him likely to make things
better once offered a Cabinet portfolio. In other words he has to associate his
future ministers, particularly those from his own Future movement, with strong
ideas or programs that the Lebanese will embrace. President Michel Sleiman
managed to do that with Ziyad Baroud, a virtual unknown when he was scooped up
from the thankless byways of Lebanese civil society activism. Hariri can show
that he intends to promote men and women who fit into a governing strategy that
he and his team have developed (which means convincing us, first, that he
actually has such a strategy). And he should do this now, before finalizing the
government, to make it more costly politically for the opposition to hinder his
efforts.
A third thing Hariri must do before formally becoming prime minister is to
communicate better with the Lebanese. Silence may be defensible when it comes to
bargaining over a government, but it makes no sense at all for Hariri to say
nothing to those who voted for him – or for that matter against him. What does
he stand for? Why should he be prime minister over someone else? What lies
ahead? All these questions need to be addressed with much more openness than
they have been.
Hizbullah’s secretary general, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, has doubtless made
several speeches too many for some tastes – speeches that go on forever, without
respite. But he has also communicated directly with his followers, explaining
what he stands for, therefore what they are entitled to expect from him. Despite
Nasrallah’s banishment to a subterranean refuge, he has avoided appearing
distant or equivocal, which has strengthened him politically. Hariri would gain
by doing the same.
A fourth thing the prime minister designate should do is avoid any sense that
his work will revolve around non-Lebanese priorities. March 14 won because many
voters, particularly Christian voters, came to the conclusion, exaggerated or
not, that Hizbullah and Aoun were serving an Iranian agenda that harmed Lebanon.
The worst thing that can happen to Hariri, therefore, is for him to be pegged as
the mere extension of a Saudi agenda. It may be tempting to rely on regional
transformations, particularly events in Iran, to increase the majority’s
leverage. But relying too much on this will backfire. The more vulnerable
Hizbullah feels the more inflexibly it will behave, even as the Lebanese will
blame Hariri more than they will anyone else for deadlock over the government.
The idea that there is no price to pay for an ongoing vacuum at the head of the
state is naïve. Hizbullah has already taken advantage of the situation to
accelerate its erosion of Resolution 1701 and reduce UNIFIL’s margin of maneuver
in southern Lebanon. Hariri is also losing grip over his allies, so that Walid
Jumblatt, for instance, can no longer truly be counted as a member of the March
14 coalition. Yet Jumblatt has not strayed off the reservation: He has
positioned his political realignment in the context of the Saudi-Syrian
rapprochement. Therefore he continues to enjoy Saudi approval and aid, which
means there is little Hariri can do about it.
But the most unnecessary price Hariri will pay if he plays the process of
government formation wrong is in his popular backing. The elections reinforced
Hariri’s power, which he should have used to better define himself to the
Lebanese. By failing to do so until now he has lost his post-election momentum,
so that voters are unsure about what he represents. Whenever the state is
mentioned, cynicism dominates the conversation. That tarnishes Hariri and will
handicap him down the road, because his political enemies will use the state’s
shortcomings against him.
It benefits no one for Lebanon to continue without a government, or for the
person who will lead that government to remain a cipher. Saad Hariri was the big
winner on June 7, and the Lebanese want to know more about his project. In this
particular case it is silence that is silver and speech gold.
**Michael Young is opinion editor of THE DAILY STAR.
Syria and Hizbullah After the Lebanese Elections
By: David Schenker /http://jcpa.org/
Published July 2009
Hizbullah has enjoyed an enviable run of political and military "achievements"
including its "divine victory" over Israel in 2006, the "glorious day" in May
2008 when it occupied Beirut, and securing diplomatic recognition by Britain in
April 2009.
More recently the Lebanese Shiite militia has been dealt a series of setbacks
including defeat in the Lebanese elections, the arrest of an Egypt-based
Hizbullah cell, reports of the group's involvement in the 2005 assassination of
former Lebanese premier Rafiq Hariri, the apprehension of a Hizbullah cell
plotting to bomb the Israeli embassy in Azerbaijan, and the post-election
protests in Iran that have irreparably damaged the legitimacy of Hizbullah's
chief patron.
Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri appears to be leaning toward a
cabinet formula that provides his majority coalition with 15 seats, the
opposition with 10, and the allegedly neutral president with 5. But if even one
of the president's cabinet designees is sympathetic to Hizbullah, the Shiite
militia would attain its coveted veto power, effectively erasing March 14's
hard-won victory at the polls.
The desire in Washington and Riyadh to repair damaged relations with Damascus is
admirable, but should not come at the expense of Lebanon and the larger U.S.
strategic goal of weakening Iranian influence in the Levant. While a diplomatic
rapprochement with Syria might result in some marginal improvements in its
behavior, this would likely have little impact on Syria's thirty-year strategic
relationship with Tehran.
Washington can do little to help March 14 on the ground, but it will be
particularly important to demonstrate ongoing U.S. commitment to Beirut at this
sensitive time. At a minimum, Washington should veto any deal emerging from
Riyadh and Damascus that undermines Lebanese sovereignty or re-establishes
Syrian influence in Beirut.
On June 7, 2009, Lebanese went to the polls for national elections, and in a
development that shocked the world the pro-West March 14 coalition defeated the
heavily favored Syrian- and Iranian-backed alliance led by Hizbullah. For the
second time in four years, March 14 was voted into power, confirming the
pro-West orientation of Beirut. Yet despite this important development, it
remains unclear whether March 14 is in any better position now to consolidate
power than it was after the 2005 balloting.
Today, the future of the pro-West government in Beirut remains in question
largely because, in the aftermath of the elections, Syria and its Lebanese
allies have made efforts to retrench and prevent March 14 from capitalizing on
its election victory. Syria and Hizbullah would seem to be in a disadvantageous
position to stymie their political adversaries, but Damascus and the Shiite
militia have proved resilient.
Hizbullah Down, But Not Out
After an enviable run of political and military "achievements" including
Hizbullah's "divine victory" over Israel in 2006, the "glorious day" in May 2008
when the organization invaded and occupied Beirut,1 and securing diplomatic
recognition by Britain in April 2009, more recently the Lebanese Shiite militia
has been dealt a series of well-publicized setbacks. Defeat in the Lebanese
elections was only the latest in a string of frustrations for Hizbullah.
In April, Cairo announced the arrest of an Egypt-based Hizbullah cell.2 Then, a
month later, reports surfaced of the group's involvement in the 2005
assassination of former Lebanese premier Rafiq Hariri, the murder that sparked
the Cedar Revolution.3 In May, a Hizbullah cell plotting to bomb the Israeli
embassy in Azerbaijan in retaliation for the assassination of Imad Mugniyyeh was
apprehended.4 And finally - and perhaps most worrisome for the group -
post-election protests in Iran have irreparably damaged the legitimacy of
Hizbullah's chief patron, the clerical regime in Tehran, undermining the
controversial doctrine of vilayat e-faqih (Islamic government).
Given this remarkable reversal of fortune, one might have thought that Hizbullah
would be back on its heels. On a recent trip to Beirut, however, it was
difficult to distinguish victor from vanquished. During his election concession
speech, Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah admitted "disappointment" with the
election, but he appears to have drawn no particular inference from the results.
"As far as we [Hizbullah] are concerned," he says, "nothing has changed for us
at all."5
Meanwhile, preliminary signs suggest that the March 14 coalition has chosen
conciliation over confrontation with Hizbullah. Just days after the election,
two of March 14's senior leaders, Saad Hariri and Walid Jumblatt, met with
Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah. Since then, other top leaders of the pro-West
grouping reached out to Syria's allies in Lebanon.
There is little doubt that the apparent political reconciliation between March
14 and Hizbullah has contributed to a diminution of tensions in Lebanon, a
palpable development sure to improve the summer tourist season in the
beleaguered state. Less clear, however, is how all this newfound goodwill will
impact the policies of the incoming pro-West administration in Beirut, and
specifically the formulation of the new cabinet and its ministerial statement,
the policy guidance for the incoming government.
Negotiations in Process
At issue is whether the Hizbullah-led opposition will be granted a "blocking
third" of the cabinet - and with it the ability to stymie major government
initiatives - and whether Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri's ministerial
statement will legitimate Hizbullah's weapons outside the authority of the
state.6 When Hariri met with Nasrallah a week after the elections, the Shiite
leader reportedly told the incoming prime minister that the "blocking third" was
a must.
Nasrallah's political allies have likewise been clamoring for this veto power
under the euphemism of establishing a "national unity government" that provides
the opposition "effective and decisive participation" in the decision-making
process, ever since the balloting.7
For his part, Hariri appears to be leaning toward a cabinet formula that
provides his majority coalition with 15 seats, the opposition with 10 - just one
seat short of what Hizbullah is demanding - and the allegedly neutral president
with 5.8 On paper, this blueprint - which provides the president with the swing
vote - seems to be a compromise. But if even one of the president's cabinet
designees is sympathetic to the Shiite militia, Hizbullah would attain its
coveted veto power, effectively erasing March 14's hard-won victory at the
polls.
Syria Re-emerges
Because of all the international actors involved in the process of formulating
the cabinet, it is unknown how all this wrangling will eventually turn out.
Indeed, cabinet negotiations in Lebanon are currently being driven by secret
backchannel discussions between March 14 and Hizbullah's respective allies in
Riyadh and Damascus. These talks coincide with a fledgling diplomatic
rapprochement between Syria and Saudi Arabia. (Saudi Arabia appointed a new
ambassador to Damascus in July, filling the post that had been open since 2008.)
It also occurs as Washington is devoting great efforts to improving relations
with the longtime pariah regime in Damascus with an eye toward driving a wedge
between Syria and Iran.
Syria emerged from the Lebanese elections in a weaker position in Lebanon
because its allies - particularly General Michel Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement
- faired poorly at the polls. Undeterred, in the aftermath of the elections,
Syria has sought to improve its position in Lebanon by exploiting Saudi and U.S.
interest in repairing bilateral relationships. Briefly stated, Damascus is
hoping to leverage the rapprochement process with Washington and Riyadh to renew
its influence in Lebanon.
According to Arab press reports and the statements of Assad regime
representatives, Syrian efforts to impact developments in Beirut focus on
several tracks. First, Damascus is pressing for some kind of formal agreement -
a la the Taif Accord - that legitimates the Syrian role as a political arbiter
in Beirut.9 Second, Syria is demanding effective veto power for its Lebanese
allies and proxies within the cabinet.10 And finally, as part and parcel of its
dialogue with Saudi Arabia, Syria wants to compel Saad Hariri - who is close to
Riyadh - to visit Damascus.11 The visit is important to the Assad regime, not
only because it would be a humiliation for Hariri, but because it would create
the impression that Syria was not responsible for the assassination of Hariri's
father, former Lebanese premier Rafiq Hariri. Syria remains the leading suspect
in the murder, which is being prosecuted by a Special Tribunal in The Hague.
For the time being, however, it appears that Hariri - who is loathe to go to
Damascus - is holding his ground and not making these kind of significant
concessions to his political adversaries. Nevertheless, pressures are building.
Walid Jumblatt, for example, has already signaled his willingness to travel to
Damascus and is pressing Hariri to go,12 while other coalition members - like
Kataeb representative Sami Gemayel - are improving ties with Syria's proxies in
Lebanon.13
Conclusion
In the late 1980s - the last time Saudi Arabia and Syria negotiated Lebanon's
future - Damascus emerged as a dominant force in Beirut. Today Hizbullah is
facing a great deal of adversity, and its Syrian ally's influence in Lebanon is
at its weakest.
The desire in Washington and Riyadh to repair damaged relations with Damascus is
admirable, but should not come at the expense of Lebanon and the larger U.S.
strategic goal of weakening Iranian influence in the Levant. While a diplomatic
rapprochement between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia and long-time nemesis Syria
might result in some marginal improvements in problematic Assad regime behavior,
this development would likely have little impact on Syria's thirty-year
strategic relationship with Tehran.
In the coming weeks, Prime Minister Hariri will walk a thin line between
consolidating his election victory and provoking Hizbullah. Washington can do
little to help March 14 on the ground, but it will be particularly important,
even as the Obama Administration moves ahead with its diplomatic engagement with
Syria, to demonstrate ongoing U.S. commitment to Beirut at this sensitive time.
At a minimum, Washington should veto any deal emerging from Riyadh and Damascus
that undermines Lebanese sovereignty or re-establishes Syrian influence in
Beirut.
If March 14 doesn't capitalize on its reelection and its adversaries'
misfortunes now, the historically resilient Hizbullah will reemerge and this
moment of opportunity for Lebanon and Washington will pass.
* * *
Notes
1. See Hassan Nasrallah's speech on May 16, 2009, "May 7 was a glorious day for
the resistance," available in English at http://english.moqawama.org/essaydetails.php?eid=8483&cid=231
and in Arabic at http://www.moqawama.org/essaydetails.php?eid=15248&cid=210.
2. For a longer discussion of the Hizbullah arrests, see David Schenker "The
Pharaoh Strikes Back," Weekly Standard, May 11, 2009, http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/000/000/016/452guiya.asp?pg=2.
3. Erich Follath, "New Evidence Points to Hezbollah in Hariri Murder," Der
Spiegel, May 23, 2009, http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,626412,00.html.
4. Sabastian Rotella, "Azerbaijan Seen as a New Front in Mid-East Conflict," Los
Angeles Times, May 30, 2009, http://articles.latimes.com/2009/may/30/world/fg-shadow30.
Mughniyyeh was the head of the organization's military apparatus. He was
assassinated in Damascus in February 2008.
5. Nasrallah's speech can be found at http://www.moqawama.org/essaydetails.php?eid=15248&cid=210.
6. A "blocking third" refers to one-third plus one of the total cabinet seats.
Hizbullah refers to this quorum of the cabinet as an "assuring third."
7. "Tazkhim ‘gharbalat al siyagh'...Jumblat fi Ein al-Tineh...," Now Lebanon,
July 15, 2009, http://nowlebanon.com/Arabic/NewsArticleDetails.aspx?ID=103804.
8. Some sources suggest that Hariri is seeking a 16-10-4 formula, and that the
15-10-5 formula is his fallback position.
9. See "I'lan Dimashq: ‘ard Sa'udi limusalaha Lubnaniyah-Suriyah," Al Akhbar,
July 4, 2009, http://www.al-akhbar.com/ar/node/145771; and Sami Moubayed, "Time
for a Damascus Agreement," Gulf News, June 22, 2009, http://www.gulfnews.com/opinion/columns/region/10325148.html.
Moubayed is close to the Assad regime and many believe he is on the regime
payroll. His views reliably represent Syrian government positions.
10. "Wahhab yuhajim al-ra'is al-mukallaf: hissat al-mu'arada al-thulth za'idan
wahidan," Al-Mustaqbal, July 13, 2009, http://almustaqbal.com/stories.aspx?StoryID=357324.
11. See Sami Moubayed, "Hariri Cannot Ignore Syria," Gulf News, June 29, 2009,
http://www.gulfnews.com/opinion/columns/region/10327118.html. It would be
particularly problematic if Hariri visited Damascus prior to the formation of
his cabinet, as the pro-Syrian media has promoted.
12. See "Jumblatt: I Will Resolve Personal Disagreements with Syria after
Hariri's Visit to Damascus," Now Lebanon, July 10, 2009, http://www.nowlebanon.com/NewsArticleDetails.aspx?ID=103061.
See also, "Jumblat: al-Hariri sayazur Dimashq fi hudur al-‘ahil al-Sa'udi ba'da
tashkil al-hukumah," Now Lebanon, July 15, 2009, http://nowlebanon.com/Arabic/NewsArticleDetails.aspx?ID=103970.
13. "Franjiyeh, Gemayel Vow to Avert Inter-Christian Discord, Create Dialogue,"
Naharnet, July 4, 2009.
* * *
David Schenker is the Aufzien Fellow and Director of the Program on Arab
Politics at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.