LCCC ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
September 17/08

Bible Reading of the day.
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Luke 7,11-17. Soon afterward he journeyed to a city called Nain, and his disciples and a large crowd accompanied him. As he drew near to the gate of the city, a man who had died was being carried out, the only son of his mother, and she was a widow. A large crowd from the city was with her. When the Lord saw her, he was moved with pity for her and said to her, "Do not weep." He stepped forward and touched the coffin; at this the bearers halted, and he said, "Young man, I tell you, arise!" The dead man sat up and began to speak, and Jesus gave him to his mother. Fear seized them all, and they glorified God, exclaiming, "A great prophet has arisen in our midst," and "God has visited his people." This report about him spread through the whole of Judea and in all the surrounding region

Saint Augustine (354-430), Bishop of Hippo (North Africa) and Doctor of the Church
Sermon 98/"Young man, I tell you, arise!"
Let no one who is Christian doubt that even now dead people rise. Certainly, every human being has eyes by which he can see dead people rising in the way this widow's son whom we just heard about in the gospel rose. But not everyone can see people who are spiritually dead rise. For that, it is necessary to have already risen interiorly. It is greater to raise someone who is to live forever than to raise someone who will have to die again. The young man's mother, this widow, was transported with joy at seeing her son rise. Our mother the Church also rejoices when she sees her children's spiritual resurrection every day. The widow's son was dead with the death of the body; but these latter are dead with the death of the soul. People wept tears over the visible death of the former; but people were not concerned by the invisible death of the latter; they didn't even see it. The only one who did not remain indifferent is the one who knew these deaths; only the one who could give life back to them knew these deaths. For if the Lord had not come to raise the dead, the apostle Paul would not have said: «Awake, O sleeper, arise from the dead, and Christ will give you light.» (Eph 5:14)

Free Opinions, Releases, letters & Special Reports
Thoughts on a truly national dialogue. By: By Paul Salem 16/09/08
Can Sleiman keep Lebanon's politicians from destroying their own country? the Daily Star 16/09/08
Hezbollah and Sudan's Salafi Regime Converge. By: Dr. Walid Phares 16/09/08
Dr. Walid Phares on Syrian Commando Reports. By: Thomas Smith Jr. 15 Sep 2008
Manuela Paraipan: Interview with Ayatollah Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah. World Security Network 16/09/08
New Opinion: Don’t hold your breath-NowLebanon.com 16/09/08

Latest News Reports From Miscellaneous Sources for September 16/08
Dialogue Launched, Suleiman for Strategy Based on 'Our" Armed Forces, Resistance 'capabilities," Diplomacy-Naharnet
Lebanon factions launch dialogue-BBC
MP Franjieh: Dialogue Conference the Last Chance to Pacify Lebanon
Lebanon national dialogue begins work to bridge divide-Monsters and Critics.com
Wahab's Bodyguards Shoot Citizen
One killed in Lebanon shooting-AFP
Sniper Fire Targets Taalabaya Mourners Sparking Clash-Naharnet
Makari for Aggressive Strategy Against Terror-Naharnet
Police Have Clue to Mazraa Bomber-Naharnet
Moratinos: Syria Adapting With New Lebanon Status-Naharnet
Clashes Rage at Ain al-Hilweh, 3 Killed-Naharnet
U.S. Officials Say Hizbullah Has More Popular Appeal than Qaida-Naharnet
Israeli Experts: Bunker-buster Bombs Could Target Hizbullah's Arsenal-Naharnet
Hariri for National Dialogue that Draws the Limits to Hizbullah Weapons-Naharnet
Lebanon on Dialogue Eve: Trotting Reconciliation and Scattered Violence-Naharnet
Moussa: Regional Developments Call for Consultations, Reconciliation-Naharnet
Phalange Party Condemns Neglecting Church Authorities in Lassa-Naharnet
Jumblat for Benefiting from the Resistance Combat Capabilities-Naharnet
Report: Syria sources believe upcoming Israel talks to be deferred-Ha'aretz
Israel: UNFIL must stop ignoring Hizbullah movements in Lebanon-Jerusalem Post
IDF officer: Hezbollah wants to down Israeli plane over Lebanon-Ha'aretz
Three die in inter-Palestinian violence in Lebanon-Reuters
Former top diplomats urge next president to engage Iran-AFP
French President Not See Hezbollah as Terrorist Organization ...Trend News Agency
Syria jails 50 Kurds over rally-Gulf Times
Thoughts on a truly national dialogue-Daily Star
Ya'alon faults IAF for Lebanon failures-Jerusalem Post
Arab League chief in Beirut to take part in national dialogue-Daily Star
Fighter gives testimony in death of helicopter pilot-Daily Star
House panel holds new discussion of poll law-Daily Star  
Bellemare pays surprise visit to Saudi Arabia-Daily Star  
Fatah officials in Ain al-Hilweh to hand over gunman to Lebanese authorities-Daily Star  
UN de-mining team in South to receive $100,000 Nansen prize-Daily Star  
Lebanon's credit ratings in 113th place worldwide-Daily Star  
Multiple blasts rattle Corniche al-Mazraa residents-Daily Star  
Exhibition seeks to root better future for Palestinians in knowledge of the past-Daily Star  
Food and Feast 2008 brings message of coexistence to traditional Chouf village-Daily Star  
26 years on, Sabra and Chatila still bear scars-Daily Star  
Report: Khaled Mashaal's assistant assassinated in Syria-Jerusalem Post
IDF intelligence: Syria strengthening ties to radical axis-Ynetnews

Dialogue Launched, Suleiman for Strategy Based on 'Our' Armed Forces, Resistance 'Capabilities,' Diplomacy
 Naharnet/President Michel Suleiman on Tuesday launched the Conference on National dialogue with a call to adopt a defense strategy "based on our armed forces and benefiting from the resistance capabilities." "Let us adopt a defense strategy that guarantees our points of strength, including diplomacy," Suleiman told the 14 participants in the conference and Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa. He called the conferees to work out a "framework for dialogue in a way that shows that nothing is closed" to discussion. "Failure is banned," Suleiman declared. He urged the conferees to "make sacrifices and concessions … for Lebanon."
Suleiman also called for "reconciliation among participants in the dialogue.""We are a small and pluralist nation that has no other option but to remain united," Suleiman stressed. He said "difficulties confront our march. Once we called for the dialogue, the Baisour crime was carried out."
The car bombing that killed Saleh Aridi last week, according to Suleiman, was carried out by "enemies of Lebanon, whom we should confront by achieving reconciliation."He urged the media to back dialogue, saying good news might not emerge soon. Israel, according to the president, remains Lebanon's basic enemy. "It occupies our land and threatens us."Suleiman launched the dialogue 42 minutes behind schedule, after holding side meetings with Mustaqbal Movement leader Saad Hariri, Hizbullah Representative Mohammed Raad, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri and Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblat.
The meeting was seen as an attempt by the president to facilitate reconciliation between Hizbullah and Mustaqbal.
Moussa also held a meeting with Saniora prior to the formal session. Moussa is to address the closed session, apparently with the aim of briefing the conferees on regional developments and threats that require reconciliation among the various Lebanese factions.
The participants are: Berri, Saniora, Phalange Party leader Amin Gemayel, Free Patriotic Movement leader Michel Aoun, Hariri, Jumblat, Raad, Tripoli Gathering representative Mohammed Safadi, Popular Bloc leader Elie Skaff, MP Michel Murr, MP Butros Harb, MP Ghassan Tueni, MP Hagop Pakradounian and Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea. Berri, who had presided over the 2006 dialogue cycle, represents the AMAL movement that is part of the Hizbullah-led March 8 alliance. Press reports said Berri would propose in the closed session expanding the list of participants in the dialogue conference, which has already been rejected by leaders of the March 14 forces.
Observers believe the conferees would not tackle in the first session any of the topics listed on the dialogue agenda, mainly the national defense strategy.
Deliberations would focus mainly on settling the controversy over the list of participants and topics on the agenda.
The Hizbullah-led alliance also wants to add further topics to the agenda, including economic issues.
The daily An-Nahar said an official from Qatar had visited Beirut after Suleiman issued the invitations to the dialogue conference and held talks with officials without relaying any messages. The Qatari official, who was not identified, held the round of separate meetings in line with Qatar's role as sponsor of the Doha Accord.
Moussa told reporters Monday the dialogue conference is "important because Lebanon now has a leader (Suleiman) on top of the helm. He thinks, acts and tries to unify ranks." Beirut, 16 Sep 08, 12:32

IDF intelligence: Syria strengthening ties with radical axis
Head of Military Intelligence research division tells Knesset committee Damascus simultaneously boosting ties with West, radical countries. Adds: Hamas establishing bona fide country in Gaza
Amnon Meranda Published: 09.15.08, 18:37 / Israel News
"Syria is moving forward along the path of peace and openness toward the West while simultaneously strengthening its ties to the radical axis," the head of the research division of Military Intelligence, Brigadier General Yossi Baidatz told the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Monday.
Addressing the Iranian nuclear program, Baidatz said "the most optimistic scenario as far as the Iranians are concerned is that they will have obtained nuclear capabilities by 2010," but added that such a scenario was "not likely". According to the intelligence official, Iran is continuing to advance technologically while the international community is not showing any signs of trying to stall the Islamic Republic's progress.
'Weapons smuggling continues' Baidatz told the MKs that Hamas is continuing to arm itself with Qassam rockets and is obtaining capabilities that may threaten Israel's home front. "Hamas is also improving its defense capabilities in case of an Israeli operation (in Gaza)," he said. "The Islamist group is turning Gaza into a bona fide state. Hamas is the clear and decisive ruler there." According to Baidatz, the smuggling of weapons and goods into the Strip through the Rafah crossing continues despite the Egyptians' efforts to prevent it. As for Israel's northern border, Baidatz said Hizbullah may attempt to shoot down any Israeli aircraft that enters Lebanese airspace, adding that the Shiite group's armament was also continuing "north and south of the Litani River". He said the transfer of arms to Hizbullah from Iran and Syria is continuing in violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which ended the Second Lebanon War.

Report: Mashaal's secretary assassinated in Syria
Syrian opposition party claims head secretary for Hamas' political leader was dragged from his car and shot dead four days ago; earlier Syria warned Palestinian leaders in country that Israel may be targeting them
Roee Nahmias Published: 09.15.08, 21:57 / Israel News
Head secretary to Hamas' political leader in exile, Khaled Mashaal, was killed four days ago in the Syrian city of Homs, according to recent reports. Hisham el-Badni, a resident of Damascus, was reportedly dragged from his car and shot in the light of day.
Epistle
Hamas leader to pass letter to Shalit / Associated Press
Group official confirms Mashaal has promised to deliver to captured Israeli soldier a letter from his father
The incident was first made public by the Reform Party of Syria, an opposition group whose members operate mostly outside of the country's boundaries, usually in the United States. Neither Hamas nor officials in Syria have commented on the report.
The Qatari paper Al-Arab reported on Friday that Syria had issued an official warning aimed at leaders of the Palestinian factions operating within its borders, including Mashaal and Islamic Jihad Secretary-General Abdullah Ramadan Shallah, urging them to act with caution.
Palestinian sources told the paper the Syrian government had warned the two leaders that they may be
targeted by Israel, even on Syrian territory. They were asked to limit their appearances in the media in order to prevent Israel from locating them.
Mashaal, who currently resides in Damascus, succeeded in surviving a targeted killing attempted by Israel 11 years ago. Mossad agents attacked him near his office in Amman, Jordan, and attempted to poison him in what is considered one of the organization's historic failures.

Fighter gives testimony in death of helicopter pilot
Tuesday, September 16, 2008-Daily Star
Daily Star/BEIRUT: Military Investigative Magistrate Rachid Mezher listened heard the testimony of Hizbullah member Mahmoud Abboud, suspected of shooting a Lebanese military helicopter in the region of Sejod, killing Lieutenant Samer Hanna in late August, according to a judiciary report on Monday. It added that Mezher also heard the testimony of a Lebanese Army lieutenant who rushed to the scene of the incident after communication with the helicopter was lost.

Arab League chief in Beirut to take part in national dialogue
'We don't want conflict over Hizbullah's weapons' - Hariri
By Hussein Abdallah
Daily Star staff
Tuesday, September 16, 2008
BEIRUT: Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa arrived in Beirut on Monday to take part in a national dialogue among Lebanon's rival leaders, scheduled for Tuesday at the Presidential Palace. Moussa will be representing the Arab League in the dialogue, whose main focus will be on a defense strategy for Lebanon.
After meeting President Michel Sleiman, Moussa said that launching the dialogue under the auspices of the head of state was an "encouraging move," adding that expanding the list of participants or adding topics to the dialogue's agenda was up to the different parties participating in the talks.
Sleiman invited the 14 signatories of May's Doha Accord to take part in Tuesday's session, thwarting the opposition's efforts to expand the dialogue to include more participants. The Doha pact ended an 18-month-long political crisis, and led to Sleiman's election after a six-month presidential vacuum, as well as the formation of a national unity Cabinet.
It also called for a national dialogue under the auspices of the president.
The dialogue mainly seeks to define the relationship between the state and armed groups such as Hizbullah.
Controversy over Hizbullah's weaponry intensified after its fighters captured two Israeli soldiers in a cross-border raid in July 2006, causing the Jewish state to launch a devastating 34-day war. It boiled over again in May when Hizbullah took over large swathes of predominantly Sunni western Beirut during army clashes between pro-government and opposition forces. More than 65 people were killed in the sectarian fighting. Moussa also met on Monday with Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri and Prime Minister Fouad Siniora.After meeting Berri, Moussa said he discussed with the speaker the ongoing preparations for the dialogue's first session. Earlier on Monday, Moussa told reporters at Rafik Hariri International Airport that the Arab League's role was to narrow the gap between the various Lebanese factions. Moussa will be the only Arab representative in Tuesday's national dialogue after news reports on Monday confirmed that Qatar, which brokered the Doha Accord, would not be sending any representative to take part in the Beirut talks.
However, Qatari sources told the Central News Agency on Monday that a Qatari delegation had visited Lebanon in the past two days and held talks with different Lebanese officials in an effort to ensure the success of the talks. Meanwhile, parliamentary majority leader Saad Hariri said during an iftar banquet in the southern city of Sidon on Monday that the upcoming dialogue was not aimed at creating conflicts on the issue of Hizbullah's weapons. "We do not want to create conflicts on the issue of Hizbullah's weapons, but we want to make sure that these weapons will not be used to frighten other Lebanese parties and undermine the Lebanese state," he said.
Also on Monday, Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) leader Walid Jumblatt said that the national defense strategy should employ Hizbullah's military capabilities.
"The defense strategy must make use of Hizbullah's military power, while stressing that the state is the sole authority when it comes to war and peace decisions," he told the PSP's Al-Anbaa weekly. "The strategy should also recognize and enforce the armistice agreement of 1949," he added, referring to a truce deal between Lebanon and Israel following the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Jumblatt also called on the Cabinet to enhance security measures after the assassination of Lebanese Democratic Party official Saleh Aridi in a car bombing last Wednesday. "This requires establishing a security bureau headed by the president or someone he delegates, to follow up on possible security developments," he said, adding that the ongoing reconciliation in different Lebanese areas would facilitate the mission of Lebanon's security and armed forces.
For its part, Hizbullah said on Monday that the national dialogue should tackle the defense strategy issue from the perspective that the resistance is an asset and not a liability. "It would be a fatal mistake to go into dialogue with the concept that Hizbullah's weapons are a burden on the Lebanese state," senior Hizbullah official Sayyed Hashem Safieddine said.Also on Monday, Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea vowed that his party would not make any deals at the expense of its principles and values during the upcoming talks.
"We will take part in dialogue while sticking to our principles ... We should continue what our martyrs have started," Geagea told families and relatives of Lebanese citizens held in Syrian jails at his residence in Maarab. Meanwhile, Free Patriotic Movement leader MP Michel Aoun said the upcoming dialogue would determine whether the resistance was necessary to protect Lebanon against Israeli aggression. "The dialogue will determine if the resistance is necessary to protect Lebanon ... It will also determine who would pull the trigger," Aoun told reporters after a meeting of his Reform and Change parliamentary bloc at his residence in Rabieh.
Aoun also voiced his backing for a reconciliation meeting between Hizbullah and the PSP at the residence of Lebanese Democratic Party leader Talal Arslan in Khaldeh. The meeting took place on Monday in a bid to reconcile both parties, whose supporters clashed last May in the country's worst sectarian fighting since the 1975-90 Civil War. Asked whether a similar reconciliation between the FPM and the PSP were possible, Aoun said such steps have not yet taken place due to differences related to the issue of Christians displaced from their villages in Mount Lebanon during the Civil War. - Additional reporting by Mohammad Zaatari

Nasrallah-Jumblatt meeting could be in works after Arslan hosts reconciliation talks
Hussein Abdallah and Maher Zeineddine
Daily Star staff
BEIRUT: Delegations from Hizbullah and the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) held a reconciliation meeting on Monday at Lebanese Democratic Party (LDP) leader Talal Arslan's residence in Khaldeh, southeast of Beirut. The Hizbullah delegation included Labor Minister Mohammad Fneish, MP Ali Ammar and other officials from the party. Minister of State Wael Abu Faour, MP Akram Shehayeb, and other officials represented the PSP in the meeting.
Speaking to reporters afterward, Arslan said that a meeting between Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and PSP leader Walid Jumblatt could be in the offing. Arslan added that the meeting at his residence was the first serious initiative that will lead to further communication between both parties.
The meeting was held in the aftermath of the assassination of LDP official Saleh Aridi, who was killed in a car bombing last Wednesday.
Aridi had himself been steering reconciliation efforts between Jumblatt and Arslan, Lebanon's most prominent Druze leaders. Fneish said after the meeting that normal relations would be restored between Hizbullah and the PSP, paying tribute to Arslan for "re-linking" both parties. Fneish also stressed that the Hizbullah-PSP meeting was not aimed at excluding other parties, hinting at parliamentary majority leader Saad Hariri's Future Movement. Fneish said contacts were under way to overcome obstacles facing a possible meeting between Nasrallah and Hariri. Abu Faour told reporters that the reconciliation meeting with Hizbullah did not mean that the PSP has abandoned its allies in the March 14 Forces.
"This meeting aims at establishing a safety net which prevents political differences from escalating into violent clashes," he said.
Hizbullah and PSP supporters were engaged in deadly clashes last May in different areas of Mount Lebanon. Arslan played a major role in mediating a ceasefire between the two groups after the clashes, which saw Hizbullah briefly take over large swathes of mostly Sunni western Beirut as well as some areas in the predominantly Druze section of Mount Lebanon.

Thoughts on a truly national dialogue
By: Paul Salem -Daily Star
Tuesday, September 16, 2008
The resumption today of the Conference on National Dialogue, after an interruption of over two years, is a welcome step. However, national dialogue must mean more than 14 political bosses sitting around a table trying to hammer out a deal between themselves. Lebanon's problems are deep and longstanding. The country was born in disagreement. It has gone through waves of internal division and crises provoked by external polarization, has fought several civil wars, and still suffers from an absence of sovereignty as well as from weak political institutions, massive foreign influence, endemic sectarianism, and an underdeveloped and divisive political culture.
National dialogue, therefore, is a profound necessity. At the same time, a faulty or incomplete approach to such a dialogue could backfire and pose a threat to Lebanon's stability. It might also mortally weaken the Lebanese presidency, which is a necessary unifying institution in today's polarized environment. The chances are quite low that Lebanon's oligarchs will reach fundamental agreement to transcend their differences in the aftermath of the armed conflict last May and in the midst of a heated election campaign. That is why the dialogue process must be aimed to achieve a measure of success as much as to protect against premature failure and collapse.
Lebanon is not alone in facing these challenges. We can learn from the experience of countries such as South Africa, Northern Ireland and other places around the world that have successfully overcome civil wars, integrated armed resistance movements, and rebuilt their national unity after difficult times. By reflecting on those examples, and by applying their lessons to Lebanon, we can arrive at a number of recommendations.
First, our national dialogue process must be understood as a long one. No country in a condition similar to that of Lebanon today can realistically conclude a national dialogue in just a few months. This means that national dialogue should not be placed under the pressure of the upcoming parliamentary elections. Rather, it should be understood that the dialogue will begin before the elections and continue during and after those elections.
Second, the process must be understood as a much wider process than placing a few politicians around a rectangular table. This is necessary in the positive sense so that the dialogue becomes truly national, and so that it develops the breadth and depth to make it nationally transformative and sustainable. It is also necessary in a negative protective sense, in that if the top leadership falls into disagreement, the process continues at other levels and the country is not subjected to the risk of a total collapse of the dialogue.
Third, the national dialogue should broaden the scope of its discussions rather than narrow them. Focusing only on one item that is the locus of intense disagreement is a formula for failure. A preferable approach is to broaden the areas under discussion, build on areas where agreement is easier and quicker, and use the positive momentum to tackle the harder issues.
A healthy and effective national dialogue process might include the following elements. First, in terms of structure, the current national dialogue conference of 14 bosses could remain the top decision-making committee; however there needs to be a second tier committee of representatives from the main parties, such as the one that met in La Celle-Saint-Cloud, that can meet and discuss issues when the main political committee is not in session.
Second, there need to be technical committees of experts and technicians that can work on particular issues and solicit internal and international expertise.
Third, there need to be mechanisms to reach out to civil society, business associations, labor and worker associations, universities, municipalities, local groups, and the media. The dialogue should be a wide and inclusive process, akin to a national workshop, which creates the necessary national atmosphere, participation, and commitment to make the exchange both meaningful and sustainable, and that protects it from premature collapse.
In terms of issues, the dialogue should not just focus on the very difficult and divisive issue of Hizbullah's weapons and a national defense strategy. There are other national issues that require dialogue as well and that might help build up momentum for success between the different dialogue partners: These might include decentralization, reinforcing the judiciary, strengthening social safety nets, and other issues of national importance.
In terms of process, the national dialogue, guided by the president and his advisers and staff, can begin by devising a road map. This could specify which issues will be discussed in which order, starting with the easier ones first; explore how the dialogue will be expanded; and set a timetable that gives the process ample time (one to two years) to come to fruition.
Lebanon's survival is predicated on its ability to sustain dialogue. Today we are presented with an opportunity to repair our divided society. Let us seize this opportunity to build a dialogue that is truly national.
***Paul Salem is the director of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. He wrote this commentary for THE DAILY STAR.

Can Sleiman keep Lebanon's politicians from destroying their own country?
By The Daily Star
Tuesday, September 16, 2008
Editorial
It is no secret that the national dialogue scheduled to begin at Lebanon's Presidential Palace today will pose several monumental obstacles for the participants and the communities they purportedly represent. In fact, however, the process will be made even more difficult because in addition to the divisiveness of the issues involved, the habits of the politicians will get in the way of progress toward a new modus vivendi in this country. This is the real challenge for President Michel Sleiman, who is heading up the discussions: to ride herd on a collection of parties whose usual practices include evasiveness to mask maneuvering, an unabashed refusal to engage in the research required for both genuine negotiations and effective policymaking, and a penchant for subjugating the long-term welfare of their constituents to the short-term interests of themselves and/or their foreign sponsors.
It may take a generation or more before the current crop of Lebanese politicians is replaced by one defined by things other than feudal competitions, sectarian hatreds and personal enrichment. But Sleiman does not have the luxury of waiting for such a rotation to take place: He has to succeed now if he is to save this country from the destructive consequences of its leaders' ways. As this newspaper has stated repeatedly, having rival leaders jaw at one another around a table will simply not do. If the discussions are to bear fruit (or even to keep existing tensions in check), Sleiman will need evidence that something is being gained by the effort. No comprehensive agreement is likely to be reached in the foreseeable future, and even if such a deal could be had, it could take months or years to demonstrate its value (or lack thereof). What is required, therefore, is a deliberate process that, even before agreement is reached, generates increased understanding and trust among the participants - and inspires confidence among the public.
Such a well-managed dialogue might keep the rival parties from descending again into their usual bouts of mudslinging and the sort of entirely preventable bloodshed that took place in May. If that purpose can be achieved, it would also help lay the foundations for an eventual reconciliation. On the other hand, an ad hoc process that allows all sides to go off on their favorite tangents - or to confine their comments to a single issue - is almost certain to heighten tensions and defeat the very purpose of holding the discussions.
It remains to be seen whether the timing of Sleiman's presidency is a blessing or a curse. If he succeeds in getting Lebanon's squabbling political players to resolve their differences, he will go down in history as the best president this country ever had. If he fails on this score, nothing else he might accomplish will stop the Lebanese from destroying themselves.

Dr. Walid Phares on Syrian Commando Reports.
By: Thomas Smith Jr.
15 Sep 2008
http://www.analyst-network.com/article.php?art_id=2429
Spoke this evening with Dr. Walid Phares, director of the Future of Terrorism Project for the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, on the subject of the recent reports of Syrian commando (special operations) forces having crossed into north Lebanon, and the Lebanese Army's dismissing the reports as "untrue."
Phares, currently on a European tour, is in Brussels tonight where he has been briefing legislators and EU officials on the evolving situation in Lebanon and the broader Middle East.
According to Phares:
"Despite much wishful thinking on the part of the U.S. – and particularly Europe – that Damascus is moving toward a measure of good behavior; the Syrian regime is irreversibly committed to extending its regional dominance back into Lebanon [Syria officially withdrew in 2005, though Syrian intelligence operatives have remained in Lebanon, and Syria continues to provide operational support to Hezbollah]. It is not a question of choice: It is a question of Syrian regime doctrine. The Assad clan hasn't been able to digest the fact that it was compelled to withdraw its forces from Lebanon in 2005. On the day he delivered the announcement of withdrawal, he activated his second army, his pro-Syrian militias and Hezbollah, which would commit to attacking the Cedars Revolution on every possible front.
“The reports of a possible penetration by Syrian commandos into northern Lebanon do not come as a surprise. Assad already has made public his interest in linking up with the Alawite militias north of Tripoli. Remember what he told Lebanon's President Michel Sleiman, a couple of weeks ago. He asked Sleiman to redeploy Lebanese troops from the south to the north. And keep in mind that many units of the Army deployed in the south had already been infiltrated by Hezbollah.
"So Assad wants Lebanese Army units – led by officers friendly to the Syrian-Iranian-Hezbollah axis – to be dispatched to the north, a strong anti-Syrian Sunni enclave. Additionally, he [Assad] wants to send-in his own "SS," in a move in which they would deploy with the Alawite militias in northern Lebanon.
“Hence, the reports regarding Syrian commandos being sent across the Syrian-Lebanese border should not surprise observers.
"The bigger picture is that -- while Hezbollah is taking control of the heights of Mount Lebanon from Jezzine to the Cedars -- the Syrians are filling the void of the remaining sectors escaping their control; that is north of Tripoli.
"Look at it this way: while the theatrics surrounding the so-called dialogue are taking place in Beirut to keep international media busy with photo ops and empty statements, the real action is occurring on the ground. In short, Lebanon is being slowly reoccupied by the Syrian-Iranian axis. And to assume otherwise is sheer naiveté."
Our previous report with updates may be seen here.
Additional information will follow.
— Visit W. Thomas Smith Jr. online at uswriter.com.

International Lebanese Committee for UNSCR 1559: Hezbollah is digging its own grave through its refusal to disarm
September 15, 2008
Attorney John Hajjar, Director of the International Lebanese Committee for UNSCR 1559, said that all Lebanese feel that the “so-called Resistance” is the core of the problem in Lebanon and the cause of the country’s successive miseries.
In a press release issue by the IL Committee for UNSCR 1559 on Monday, Hajjar responded to the statement of Hezbollah Official Nabil Kaouk from Southern Lebanon that suggested 1559 has been overcome by events and will not be discussed in the national dialogue.
Hajjar said that when the United Nation Security Council issued resolution 1701, it understood the need to treat the Lebanese wounds but did not at the time appreciate the severity of the rifts within Lebanon. He added that subsequent events have proven the danger of “armed gangs” that destabilize Lebanon and nearly incite renewed civil war.
Hajjar added that the country is greater than Hezbollah’s weapons, Lebanon refuses to be a tool in the hands of Iran and Syria. “The suicide culture they are trying to spread will destroy them and Lebanon will be saved from all violent social diseases,” the statement read.
The IL committee warned that Syria will not reoccupy Lebanon, adding that Hezbollah “is digging its own grave through it refusal to disarm.”
-NOW Staff

Talking with Ayatollah Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah
written by: Manuela Paraipan, 15-Sep-08
http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showArticle3.cfm?article_id=16451&topicID=42
I did not feel nervous when I met His Eminence, Ayatollah Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah - just curious about how the meeting would be. It is not every day that I get to meet such an important religious figure for Shia Muslims throughout the world.
Before entering the gate of Sheikh's Fadlallah's residence, the man in charge of security verified if indeed I was expected and also checked the car. I remembered from last time that I had to go the through women's entrance where I would be searched and dressed with the abaya (long, black robe) over my clothes and I would be asked to put a veil on my head.
It wasn’t just that I thought I looked funny with the abaya and the hijab. Like most women, I started to look more carefully at the garment and discovered it was actually fashionable in a traditional way, as well as being a very new style to me. But I felt the veil was too tight on my head, and one literally could not spot a single hair from under it.
One of the doors kept opening and a man would call women to go and see the Sheikh. I thought that they were perhaps there to seek his advice, blessing or both and I was actually not far from the truth. The ladies - most were with their mothers, other relatives or friends - were there to ask the Sheikh to sign a paper for their upcoming marriages. In Lebanon there is no civil marriage; therefore, the Shias will go to Shia religious figures, the Druze to their own religious figures and so on. It is not necessary to go to Sheikh Fadlallah, but because he is the most senior Shia figure in Lebanon it is an honor to have him giving the blessing.
After getting the signature (during this time I imagine some advice the Sheikh could have given these women), the women come back to the room and all who were waiting their turn would wish them their best, or as they say it here, “Mabrouk.” I said it too, as noticeably all looked happy and proud.
After a while, one of the girls started a conversation with me, and by the end of it, I received an invitation to see her in Tehran where she will live with her husband after the marriage. Finally, I was invited to step into the lobby. I was glad to see familiar faces, and I felt truly welcome: Not because everyone kept telling me this, although it pleased me very much.
After I talked to someone I consider a friend by now, and I even managed to practice a little of my Italian, I was invited to move into Ayatollah's office. I remember having a sort of deja vu feeling for a split second. The Ayatollah was in the back of the room waiting, with his specific garments and black turban.
I admit that I started to feel intimidated by the whole setting, but there was no other choice than to move forward. I greeted the Sheikh and the others who were around, and I sat on one of the armchairs next to him. I liked the fact that as soon as we exchanged the first few words he looked me straight in the eyes. That is something that I do not see as often as I'd like to.
The interview was recorded on a video camera thus I had to put a tiny microphone on the abaya, and I was told that I would have a maximum of 20 – 25 minutes. In the end, the 25 were 30 minutes. I was rather surprised knowing that the meetings with the Ayatollah for the past few years were usually shorter and mostly for the foreign media, and I also knew that soon it would be prayer time.
I thought I would have time to ask at the very least five or six questions, although I had at least 20 or so in my mind. In the first question I referred to Hizballah as a political party and as a resistance; the former does not refer to Hizballah's armed wing but rather to what Hizballah and before that the movement started by Musa Sadr meant for the Lebanese Shia at a socio-economic level. It was a resistance movement meant to give them a voice in a state where the Shia voices were merely whispers ignored by all, starting with their own feudals. The Ayatollah is a brilliant rhetorician and a skilled linguist. His answers were long, but I could not interrupt him. I thought it would not only be impolite, but also I feared I might miss something important that he had to say.
The others around us who tried to tell him to give brief answers were not successful either. Even the translator made the summary of a summary; otherwise we would have needed more time. Time that we did not have. At the end of the meeting, the Sheikh signed one of his books for me. I left his office with more questions than I entered but hopefully there will be a next time.
Special thanks to Mohammad Amro and Hani Abdallah, and to everyone I met and talked to in Ayatollah Hussein Fadlallah's office, His Eminence included.
WSN: Your Eminence, can we talk about the rise of political Shiism as a concept in the region? And I am asking this because we see Iran emerging as a regional power, and you also have Hizballah as a political party and as a resistance in Lebanon.
AYATOLLAH FADLALLA: The Shia is an Islamic and humanitarian party. They encountered several problems in the past and were prosecuted by many Islamic parties who followed a different doctrine or ideology. These circumstances generated in them a psychological dilemma which led to realistic and social cumuli shown in their relationships with others.
Hence, the issue of freedom, the freedom of choice and the freedom of faith essential to the Shiite course to lead a normal human life wherever they are found in the world.
Rejecting the countries of the West wasn't the cause of this negative attitude towards them based on the fact that in the past they (the Shias) used to visit the Western countries, seeking experience, knowledge and living opportunities especially due to the economic crisis. But the West, mainly Britain during the last century and after the fall of the Ottoman regime (which prosecuted the Shia as well), observed that there are problems between the Shia and other Islamic parties from the West due to the fact that they took over their countries, potential and resources which jeopardized the kind of life they were living.
Later on, we noticed that the Shia in Iraq just like the Shia in Lebanon were against the colonization – be it the French colonization of Lebanon or the British colonization of Iraq.
The Shahs were against Iran, which is a Shia country, during the Shah's regime because they considered the regime to be an American political tool. Also the Shah seized people's freedom, especially the Shias’. But there is a certain bond between the Shia and Iran that is of a theological nature, through the religious figures and not political ones.
After the Khomeini revolution in Iran, the Shia and other Islamic parties supported the revolution extensively since it represented the fall of the American policy with the fall of the Shah. This doesn't mean that the Shia outside Iran are linked to Iran in such a way that they would follow the political lines that Iran dictates. Not all the Shia support the Faqih regime; there are those who support Iran's political line and those who don't. For example, some of the Shia in Iraq support Iran's political line and some don't. This goes for the Shia in Lebanon and other countries in the world; they might not have the same political views as Iran although they meet on the religious level.
We know as well that the Shia in Lebanon who strictly follow the Faqih's regime are Hizballah that support Iran. They feel the need to face Israel along with United States, Israel's ally, to free their country and face Israeli raids on Lebanon. They are not like some organizations that get instructions and execute them literally. By the time they support Iran and they stand up against the American system, they consider themselves Lebanese fulfilling their role on the Lebanese political scene.
Now there's a Lebanese Shia party that doesn't follow Iran's political line, while they share the same position with Hizballah and the Amal Party on some political points.
WSN: Sir, can we talk about unity between the Lebanese after what happened on May 7 in Hamra and also in the Chouf?
AF: The way I see it, the events that have taken place in Lebanon lately were similar to others that had already taken place in the past many times.
We remember how the civil war in Lebanon started between the Christians and the Muslims and between the national movement and the Palestinians, with the right movement. But the Lebanese got together afterwards and reunited in participating in the government and in many political issues. This is what we noticed when war exploded among Christians themselves, when Samir Geagea led the war and General Aoun was leading the army for example. Many were dead from both sides, but the Christians reconciled afterwards, even if the political differences remained.
Therefore, the Lebanese history is a history of differences which is close to the coexistence among the Lebanese confessions. The problem of Lebanon is that it is the scene where all the regional and international intelligence services meet and where there are attempts to implement international projects in the conflicts among countries, like the conflict led by the United States and some European countries against Syria and Iran and organizations which are fighting Israel and which reject the US policy.
Even the US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, said that the Lebanese scene is the preferred place to implement the greater Middle East project. President Bush has even said that US homeland security is linked to Lebanon. Hence since its creation, Lebanon has been based on the confessional system, a scene of conflicts in the region through the liberties found in Lebanon, which didn't exist in any country in the region, be it religious, cultural or political freedom.
We notice how the Lebanese became reunited in this unity government after May 7 because they felt that the existence of this rupture would lead to the destruction of all of Lebanon. Like we say, the temple will fall on our heads.
Through the long experience of the political reality in Lebanon, we don't fear for unity among the Lebanese people, whether the Muslims and Christians join together or among each other in the same religion. There are differences in the political lines but there is coexistence in the social and economic aspects of their lives. Therefore we find that all the Lebanese agglomerations are mixed together and include many confessions at the same time.
WSN: In your opinion until when does Lebanon need a resistance alongside the Lebanese army?
AF: The Lebanese army doesn't have the capacity regarding the quality of the arms to confront any Israeli aggression, doesn't have the needed equipment like aircrafts or missiles or anti-raids missiles etc. Therefore, the army cannot face a future Israeli aggression or liberate the occupied territories like Shebaa Farms and plains of Kfar Shouba with its existing capacity. We know that the Army Commander and now President General Michel Sulayman while leading the battle of Naher al Bared asked for the help of Syria in providing ammunition and arms to the Lebanese army, which lacked all of this military equipment.
On the other hand, if the army wanted to start a war with another army, it should have the power to confront its enemy. We are aware that Israeli military power far exceeds that in Lebanon, but the resistance represents a street war and it's natural for Israel to weaken in front of this kind of fight, whereas it wouldn't in front of another army. Therefore, the Israeli power defeated the Arab armies but it got defeated by the resistance.
We notice that in the World War II, France wasn't able to defeat the Nazis with the French army, but with the French resistance.
WSN: In spite of the apparent calm, is it possible to have another conflict within the country? Would you say this is the calm before the storm?
AF: I don't believe there is a problem in the near future in this regard, because the circumstances which led to May 7 don't exist anymore. The Lebanese have learned their lesson that these circulating small conflicts among them are not in their interest. Therefore, I don't think there is a storm coming, so to say it's the “calm before the storm.”
Plus the international and regional axes which usually work on shaking up the security situation don't consider it to be in their best interest to disturb the situation, whether it be the Western or the Arab countries. The Lebanese, of all confessions, reject the civil war, thus we saw that the events of May 7th didn't turn into a global civil conflict. On the contrary; it was restricted and limited to certain regions.
**Manuela Paraipan is WSN editor Broader Mittle East.

Hezbollah and Sudan's Salafi Regime Converge
Dr. Walid Phares
http://www.analyst-network.com/article.php?art_id=2430
15 Sep 2008
The convergence between Jihadi Khomeinists and Jihadi Salafists seems to be developing as strategists and terrorism analysts are debating the near future of the global jihadi movement.
Moving fast to reach out to the Islamist regime in Khartoum, the Iranian-backed Hezbollah organization openly declared its backing of Omar Bashir's government as the latter in turn solidified its alliance with Hezbollah. This development, which surfaced as of the end of July, comes in parallel of an attempt by the Khomeinist-inspired organization to sign a collaboration agreement with Salafist factions in Beirut a few weeks ago. But the Hezbollah-Sudan exchange of declarations of support is by far the most significant convergence of Jihadi forces from the two branches of Islamism since Iran began funding Hamas and Islamic Jihad more than a decade ago.
On July 31, Lebanon Now reported that as he was welcoming the Sudanese presidential envoy Qutub al-Mahdi, Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah's secretary general, called the International Criminal Court (ICC) indictment of President Bashir for genocide as "part of the international conspiracy to strike elements of force in the Arab and Islamic nations, and to destabilize internal stability."
It is worth noting that the ICC had issued a warrant for the arrest of the head of the Sudanese regime for his responsibilities in the mass murder of Black African tribes in Darfur. As I wrote in an op-ed titled "Brotherhood against Democracy" last July, a surge in the region bringing together authoritarian forces and regimes, all of them opposed to international efforts, U.S.-led or not, to back democracy in the region. Within this expanding jihadi-authoritarian axis, Lebanon-based Khomeinists have been playing a significant role in the rapprochement with Salafist movements and regimes.
As reported in the independent Beirut daily an-Nahar on Aug. 1, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah said "international meddling in Sudan's affairs has reached dangerous levels."
According to an-Nahar, Nasrallah declared he is backing the Sudanese regime and Bashir "in this fateful confrontation."
The pro-Syrian daily al-Akhbar (Aug. 1) quoted Nasrallah as saying the "conspiracy (against Bashir) aims at striking the elements of strengths in the Arab and Islamic Umma."
The leader of Hezbollah committed to fight back against "what is called international community with determination," asserting that this conspiracy targets the Arab and Muslim states one after the other, especially those whom he called the "obstructionist forces" (al-qiwa al-mumania).
The pro-government daily al-Mustaqbal quoted Nasrallah accusing the United States and some groupings in America with links to Zionism of "working on dividing Africa and spread chaos on the continent."
Responding to Hezbollah declarations of collaboration, Sudan's regime declared its solidarity with the Iranian-funded militia, which is listed as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and a number of Western countries. According to the Chinese News Service Xinhuanet (Aug. 12) Bashir expressed his "admiration for Lebanese (based) Hezbollah and for its secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah."
His statement came during a visit by a Hezbollah delegation, led by Lebanese MP Hassan Hajj Hassan to Khartoum to express solidarity. Hassan said that his organization repudiate the demands of the prosecutor general of the ICC and "as a resistance in Lebanon we will be together with the Sudanese to confront the conspiracy of the 'arrogant American' against the interest of our Umma in Lebanon, Palestine, Iraq and Sudan."
The ties between Hezbollah -- and regionally the Iranian regime -- and the Islamist establishment in Sudan are neither new nor a surprise. For observers have long noted the back and forth movement between the Tehran Khomeinist networks and Khartoum's Salafi Islamists. Already, in the early 1990s a delegation from the Pasdaran attended the all out Jihadi Conference in Sudan organized by Dr. Hassan Turabi, one of the main Islamist ideologues of the late 20th century. But in the past few years, especially as the Darfur crisis emerged in international relations, reports asserted that "Hezbollah has sent military trainers to Sudan to train elements of the militia movement there that Sudanese President Bashir has recently established to deal with the 'American campaign' against his regime," according to Stratfor an intelligence newsletter (Aug. 28).
But reality may be even more critical. Sources in the region believe Hezbollah has already established permanent basis in Sudan around Khartoum, in the Darfur areas controlled by the Janjaweed militia and close to the southern Sudan districts managed by the SPLA. The Iranian regime has dispatched the Arabic speaking Hezbollah trainers to Bashir a while ago, in the framework of collaboration against the U.S., Europe and the Arab moderates. The direct mission of the Hezbollah "expeditionary corps" is more strategic than Western analysis has already absorbed. First, the "advisors" will be training Sudanese regime militias to strike at the forthcoming "international force" to be deployed in Darfur. Second, they will coach the Khartoum Islamist forces in a potential return of hostilities with the southerners. Hezbollah will practically help Bashir's Jihadists to crush any move towards self determination in the south. Last but not least, a Hezbollah base in Sudan, will offer Tehran an ideal launching pad for potential terrorist operations against U.S. targets in the entire region including the Red Sea, the African Horn and provide a sea shore for Iranian activities south of the Suez Canal.
This tremendous geopolitical opportunity was not even considered by many experts and analysts advising Washington and Brussels as they refused even to consider the mere possibility of cooperation between Sunni Salafism and Shia Khomeinism. This is another troubling example of how academic apology can lead to future strategic catastrophe in the real world.
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Walid Phares is the director of the Future Terrorism Project at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, a visiting professor at the European Foundation for Democracy and the author of "The Confrontation: Winning the War against Future Jihad."