LCCC ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
June 11/08

Bible Reading of the day.
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Matthew 5,13-16. You are the salt of the earth. But if salt loses its taste, with what can it be seasoned? It is no longer good for anything but to be thrown out and trampled underfoot. You are the light of the world. A city set on a mountain cannot be hidden. Nor do they light a lamp and then put it under a bushel basket; it is set on a lampstand, where it gives light to all in the house. Just so, your light must shine before others, that they may see your good deeds and glorify your heavenly Father.

Free Opinions, Releases, letters & Special Reports
The global vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran.By: Reza Hossein Borr 10/06/08
Is Syria defecting from Iran? By: John Loftus 10/06/08
Sarkozy's Shebaa Farms gambit has much to recommend it-The Daily Star 10/06/08

It's either a land for peace formula or the unknown-By: Abdel Monem Said Aly 10/06/08
Hearing echoes of the 1970s in Lebanon. By: Rayyan al-Shawaf 10/06/08

Latest News Reports From Miscellaneous Sources for June 10/08
Iran warns of "painful" response if Israel attacks. AP
Shaker Abssi Says it's Vengeance Time-Naharnet
Suleiman: New Documents Prove Lebanese Identity of Shabaa Farms-Naharnet
U.S. Cautious on French Plans to Renew Ties with Syria-Naharnet
Saniora Done with Distribution of Cabinet Posts, Awaits Response-Naharnet
Army Moves Into Central Bekaa to Contain Hizbullah-Mustaqbal Clashes-Naharnet
Ain al-Hilweh's Mysterious Victim-Naharnet
Three People Wounded in Opposition-Majority Clash in Bekaa-Naharnet
Army cracks down after clashes among rival parties in Bekaa-Daily Star
UK foreign secretary vows to support Lebanese stability-AFP
Berri questions delay in carrying out security recommendations-Daily Star
Abu al-Aynayn says security bolstered in Ain al-Hilweh-Daily Star
UNIFIL's Italian contingent holds national day celebrations-Daily Star
ISF calls off annual festivities again, holds low-key events-Daily Star
Bill for rebuilding Nahr al-Bared to top $445 million-Daily Star
AUB mourns 'dedicated' pediatrician dead at 38-Daily Star
Garden festival to highlight importance of green behavior-Daily Star
USJ conference explores role of NGOs in local development-Daily Star
Lebanese take political wrangling to Facebook-Daily Star
Lebanon's politicians glorified to levels of stardom-By Inter Press Service
Army Moves Into Central Beqaa To Contain Hizbullah-Mustaqbal Clashes-Naharnet
Saniora: Killers of the Four Judges would Be Brought to Justice-Naharnet
Gemayel Concerned by Spreading Violence-Naharnet
Iran’s Leader Tells Iraq that Americans Are the Problem-New York Times 

Would-be Lebanon bomber probably Saudi: Fatah official-AFP

Army Moves Into Central Beqaa To Contain Hizbullah-Mustaqbal Clashes
Naharnet/Tank-led army units moved into contested regions of the Central Beqaa Valley after overnight clashes between Hizbullah and Mustaqbal partisans wounded four people and inflicted severe damage to property. Helmeted troops erected checkpoints, frisked the few pedestrians who ventured out in the central Beqaa and carried out house raids in search of gunmen involved in the clashes that covered the pro-Mustaqbal towns of Saadnayel and Taalabaya, on the one hand, and the Hizbullah strongholds of Taalabaya Farms, Jlala and Ommol, on the other. Schools and businesses closed and high tension prevailed over the region at night fall amidst efforts by the army to contain the situation and prevent renewed outbreak of clashes. Mustaqbal Movement, in a statement, accused Hizbullah of provoking the clash in which rocket-propelled grenade launchers and 60-mm mortars were used. A Hizbullah source, on the other hand, accused Mustaqbal of escalating violence to hamper efforts aimed at implementing the Doha Accord and forming a national unity cabinet. The Mustaqbal statement also accused Hizbullah members of beating up three citizens in Beirut overnight Sunday and smashing a shop, despite declared pledges by the party to facilitate implementation of a security plan in the capital. A reliable source in the Beqaa, speaking to Naharnet on condition of anonymity, said the army's deployment in the valley's central sector is a "major test to its ability to maintain law and order.""What happens in the Beqaa is a mere reflection of tension in Beirut. If the army succeeds in containing the situation and preventing renewed clashes, we would have hope in the future," the source added. He said The Beqaa Sunni Mufti, Sheikh Khalil al-Mais, is sponsoring a meeting of the region's leaders and main figures for Tuesday to brief them on the situation and outline future prospects. Beirut, 09 Jun 08, 19:46

Shaker Abssi Says it's Vengeance Time
Naharnet/Fatah al-Islam leader Shaker Abssi has slammed in an audiotape Lebanon's Sunnis and Hizbullah and criticized the Lebanese army's role in the clashes between pro- and anti-government supporters last month. Abssi accused Sunni leaders of being "traitors" and receiving orders from the Bush administration. He also said Hizbullah launched a sectarian war in May when it took over West Beirut. He hinted it was time for revenge and that Iraq's bombings and suicide bombers would not spare "God's enemies wherever they are." The authenticity of the audiotape could not be independently verified but was posted on websites which issue statements by extremists. If the tape is proven to be authentic, it would be the second since the leader of the terrorist group escaped from the northern Palestinian refugee camp of Nahr al-Bared last year. Abssi is believed to have escaped from the camp during bloody gunbattles between the Lebanese army and Fatah al-Islam fighters which led to the death of 400 people, including 137 soldiers. The more than three-month siege at the camp destroyed large parts of the shantytown.
Earlier this year, the fugitive leader lashed out at then army chief Gen. Michel Suleiman and vowed his fighters would hunt down the current president's followers whom he accused of destroying Nahr al-Bared as part of a deal to become head of state. The al-Qaida-inspired group's leader also accused Suleiman in his first audiotape of waging the battle at the camp for political purposes, including appeasing the United States. In the new tape headlined "An Appeal to Lebanon's Sunnis," Abssi criticized the army which many accused of siding with the opposition during the May clashes and said the military "disappointed" Sunnis who backed it during the Nahr al-Bared battles. Beirut, 10 Jun 08, 08:54

Suleiman: New Documents Prove Lebanese Identity of Shabaa Farms

Naharnet/President Michel Suleiman has said Lebanon will present new documents to the United Nations proving that the Israeli-occupied Shabaa farms area is Lebanese, a move that could activate diplomatic efforts aimed at finding a solution to the issue. Suleiman made the announcement to British Foreign Secretary David Miliband who was on a visit to Lebanon on Monday. Media reports on Tuesday said the newly-elected president also stressed to Miliband Lebanon's right to regain its sovereignty over the Shabaa farms zone and Kfarshouba hills. Lebanese sources told Al Hayat on Monday that the Shabaa Farms issue was also discussed during talks between Suleiman and French President Nicolas Sarkozy over the weekend. The sources said Suleiman saw an Israeli withdrawal from the area "would pave the way for a defense strategy agreement among the Lebanese and a settlement of the (Hizbullah) arms issue." An Nahar daily on Tuesday quoted diplomatic sources as saying that the British Foreign Secretary promised Lebanese leaders during his visit to Beirut that he will discuss the Shabaa issue with U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon in London next week. The sources said that Miliband will talk with Ban on ways to convince Israel to withdraw from the farms area after Suleiman revealed that Lebanon had new documents proving the identity of Shabaa. Miliband asked Suleiman to send copies of the documents to the British government, according to the sources. "As a member of the U.N. Security Council, we are fully committed to play our part and to urge others to do so in ensuring that all of Resolution 1701 is put into practice, including the Shebaa Farms issue," Miliband said Monday. Resolution 1701 brought an end to a devastating war between Israel and Hizbullah in the summer of 2006 and called for the U.N. secretary general to make a proposal for the delineation of the disputed Shebaa Farms area. Beirut, 10 Jun 08, 07:16

U.S. Cautious on French Plans to Renew Ties with Syria
Naharnet/The U.S. State Department reacted with caution on Monday when asked about plans by French President Nicolas Sarkozy to renew ties with Syria, saying that Washington would discuss the issue with Paris. "France and the United States share the same wish for peace and stability in the region," said State Department spokesman Sean McCormack. "We both want to see a Lebanon that is peaceful, prosperous and free of foreign interference." "We look forward to continuing discussions with France on how to best support the Lebanese people to achieve their goals for a better future," McCormack added, saying Washington will ask Paris for clarification. "At the same time, the United States has serious concerns over the Syrian government's behavior including its support of terrorism, clandestine nuclear program, facilitation of the passage of foreign fighters into Iraq, repression of its own people, and interference in the affairs of its neighbors, including Lebanon," McCormack said. Sarkozy plans to send two senior envoys to Syria as ties suspended last year over Lebanon's political crisis start to thaw, a source close to his office said on Saturday. Sarkozy has also decided to invite Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to Paris on July 13 for talks on the proposed Mediterranean Union.(AFP) Beirut, 10 Jun 08, 07:49

Saniora Done with Distribution of Cabinet Posts, Awaits Response
Naharnet/Prime Minister-designate Fouad Saniora has proposed an approach to distribution of cabinet portfolios and was reportedly awaiting response from the various political leaders. In a stance that hints at changes in sovereign portfolios without altering the distribution list adopted by Saniora, government sources told the daily An Nahar on Tuesday that the proposed cabinet line-up was drafted in accordance with the terms of the Doha agreement. For this reason, Saniora divided up the cabinet such as the President appoints three ministers -- two sovereign and one minister of state without portfolio. An Nahar said Saniora distributed the other seats as follows: Eight for the opposition, including one sovereign post, 12 for the majority, including one sovereign post, while the remaining seven posts – ministers of state -- would be divided up such as the majority gets four and the opposition three. Sources told An Nahar that Saniora's aim behind this make-up was to reach a fair cabinet distribution, adding that the proposed list had been presented to the various sides but no one group has responded either positively or negatively. Beirut, 10 Jun 08, 09:29

Army Moves Into Central Bekaa to Contain Hizbullah-Mustaqbal Clashes
Naharnet/Tank-led army units moved into contested regions of the Central Bekaa Valley after overnight clashes between Hizbullah and Mustaqbal partisans wounded four people and inflicted severe damage to property. Helmeted troops erected checkpoints, frisked the few pedestrians who ventured out in the central Bekaa and carried out house raids in search of gunmen involved in the clashes that covered the pro-Mustaqbal towns of Saadnayel and Taalabaya, on the one hand, and the Hizbullah strongholds of Taalabaya Farms, Jlala and Ommol, on the other. Schools and businesses closed and high tension prevailed over the region at night fall amidst efforts by the army to contain the situation and prevent renewed outbreak of clashes. Mustaqbal Movement, in a statement, accused Hizbullah of provoking the clash in which rocket-propelled grenade launchers and 60-mm mortars were used. A Hizbullah source, on the other hand, accused Mustaqbal of escalating violence to hamper efforts aimed at implementing the Doha Accord and forming a national unity cabinet. The Mustaqbal statement also accused Hizbullah members of beating up three citizens in Beirut overnight Sunday and smashing a shop, despite declared pledges by the party to facilitate implementation of a security plan in the capital. A reliable source in the Bekaa, speaking to Naharnet on condition of anonymity, said the army's deployment in the valley's central sector is a "major test to its ability to maintain law and order." "What happens in the Bekaa is a mere reflection of tension in Beirut. If the army succeeds in containing the situation and preventing renewed clashes, we would have hope in the future," the source added. He said the Bekaa Sunni Mufti, Sheikh Khalil al-Mays, is sponsoring a meeting of the region's leaders and main figures for Tuesday to brief them on the situation and outline future prospects. Beirut, 09 Jun 08, 19:46

Ain al-Hilweh's Mysterious Victim
Naharnet/An unidentified person was seriously wounded when assailants opened fire at him in the southern Palestinian refugee camp of Ain al-Hilweh.
The unidentified victim was evacuated to Hammoud hospital in nearby Sidon for treatment from nine bullet wounds in various parts of his body, a hospital source said. The source, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the victim did not have any identification documents.
"He is totally unknown, and the ambulance that drove him in from the camp left immediately after he was put on the stretcher," the source added.
"This is a very fishy case. An unknown victim, evacuated from a densely-populated area, and no relatives, friends or family members with him," the source noted.
He is in a critical condition, the source said of the unidentified victim. The attempt followed a declared agreement by Palestinian factions to get rid of suspicious foreigners living in their camp, to avoid changing it into a second Nahr al-Bared. Non confirmed reports identified the victim as Jalal Hassanein, member of the Ansar League. However, a security source ridiculed the claim, recalling that Hassanein "was killed two years ago.""This guy is someone else. But who is he?" the source asked. Beirut, 09 Jun 08, 22:25

Three People Wounded in Opposition-Majority Clash in Bekaa
Naharnet/At least three people were wounded in a clash between opposition and majority partisans in the Bekaa Valley village of Rawda late Monday.
Army and police units moved in to contain the deterioration and arrested at least 14 people. Local reporters said the clash pitted followers of ex-MP Abdul Rahim Murad and Mustaqbal partisans, in the first such confrontation among rival Sunni factions since outbreak of violence on May 8, when Hizbullah fighters attacked Beirut and Mount Lebanon. Murad, member of the Hizbullah-led opposition, is a rival of Mustaqbal Movement led by MP Saad Hariri. Beirut, 09 Jun 08, 22:08

Would-be Lebanon Bomber probably Saudi
(AFP/A would-be suicide bomber who was shot dead last month outside a Palestinian refugee camp in south Lebanon was "probably" a Saudi national, a senior Palestinian official said on Monday. The incident outside Ain al-Helweh "during which a man, probably of Saudi nationality, was killed has forced us to take strict and urgent security measures," said Sultan Abul Aynan, who heads the Fatah faction in Lebanon. "After the death of the suicide bomber, we arrested another young man of Saudi nationality who had entered the camp a few days earlier," the official told AFP. The bomber was wearing an explosive belt when he was killed by Lebanese soldiers in late May as he tried to blow himself up at a checkpoint outside Ain al-Helweh camp, near the southern port city of Sidon.
The army identified the would-be bomber as a 28-year-old Palestinian called Mahmud al-Ahmad Yassin. But a senior Palestine Liberation Organisation official in Lebanon, Munir Maqdah, said the man was carrying false identity papers marked with the logo of the U.N. relief agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA).
Abul Aynan said "Fatah's military wing has formed a force of 500 armed men to monitor security in Ain al-Helweh." "We have launched search operations to identify people in the camp who are foreign to it," Abul Aynan said.
"The Palestinian factions in Lebanon unanimously agree on the need to prevent people from outside the camp from residing in it, regardless of their nationality," he said. "Ain al-Helweh will no longer be a place of refuge for foreigners," Abul Aynan said. Members of extremist groups believed to have links with Al-Qaida have settled in Lebanon's Palestinian refugee camps in recent years, especially in Ain al-Helweh, the largest camp. The camps are outside the control of Lebanese authorities, with Palestinian factions in charge of security. The failed suicide bombing came a year after the Lebanese army was locked in deadly battles in Nahr al-Bared refugee camp in northern Lebanon with an Islamist militant group thought to be mostly made up of foreign Arabs. More than 400 people were killed, including 168 soldiers, in more than three months of fighting which ended in September.(AFP) Beirut, 09 Jun 08, 21:12

Saniora: Killers of the Four Judges would Be Brought to Justice
Naharnet/Premier-designate Fouad Saniora said Monday the state of Lebanon is determined to bring to justice culprits involved in the killing of four judges at the Sidon court house nine years ago. At the ninth anniversary of the crime that remains unresolved, Saniora told families and relatives of the victims the operation was "the most serious attempt to torpedo the state and civic rule." "Rest assured that justice would be served … the Lebanese People would not give up their right to spread state authority and its justice all over Lebanon, irrespective of hardships," Saniora said in a statement. Beirut, 09 Jun 08, 20:35

Heavy Gunbattles in Bekaa Leave 4 Wounded, Woman Injured in Aley Region Shooting
Naharnet/Fighting with machine guns, rocket-propelled grenades and mortars raged overnight between pro- and anti-government supporters in east Lebanon's Bekaa Valley. Hospital sources said Monday four people were wounded. Voice of Lebanon radio station on Monday said at least 50 RPGs and mortar shells fell on Saadnayel and Taalbaya in central Bekaa overnight. It said fighting subsided at dawn Monday after army troops, backed by tanks and armored personnel carriers, deployed in the two embattled towns. Occasional crackle of machine gunfire and rockets, however, still echoed in Saadnayel and Taalbaya early Monday. Press reports said the clashes were the result of an "individual incident" after sunset Sunday between residents of Saadnayel and an opposition supporter who fired automatic rifle in the air. They said Saadnayel residents promptly responded with heavy shooting. The situation was soon brought under army control when troops stepped in and dispersed the feuding sides, only to explode overnight for no clear reason. "Everybody's wondering what the motive is behind the desire to explode the security situation in central Bekaa," said Voice of Lebanon. Meanwhile, a verbal quarrel in the mountainous village of Majdel Baana in the Aley region overnight between pro- and anti-government supporters developed into a shooting.  It was not known what touched off the argument between Mahmoud Zuheir Abdel Khaleq from Walid Jumblat's Progressive Socialist Party and Jad Nazem Abdel Khaleq from Wiam Wahhab's pro-opposition Tawheed Movement. News reports on Monday said opposition members from the Syrian Socialist National Party intervened by opening fire on the house of Mahmoud's father, wounding a woman who was identified as Sally Zuheir Abdel Khaleq. Security forces swiftly stepped in and contained the incident. Meanwhile, Majdel Baana residents staged a sit-in demanding that suspects are handed over to authorities. "Troops raided hideouts of suspects involved in the Majdel Baana shooting and arrested several of them," an army communiqué said. It said troops also "confiscated arms and ammunition that have been found in their possession." They were referred to the judiciary, the statement added. It said army troops have also launched a manhunt for the suspects involved in the "unrest" in Saadnayel and Taalbaya. In a separate incident, Hizbullah members encircled a police unit from the Internal Security Forces in Kfarshima late Sunday to protest the confiscation of a vehicle for traffic violation. Beirut, 09 Jun 08, 07:07

Sarkozy's Shebaa Farms gambit has much to recommend it
By The Daily Star
Tuesday, June 10, 2008
Editorial
New comments from French President Nicolas Sarkozy offer hope for a resolution of one of the most complicated issues facing Lebanon today, that of Israel's continuing occupation of the Shebaa Farms. The implications of a solution are nothing less than startling. First and foremost, the matter of Hizbullah's arms would take on a whole new light, presumably making it easier to integrate them and the men who have wielded them into the arsenal of the state - which would then become far more formidable. In addition, such a development would also make it possible at last to demarcate the entirety of Lebanon's border with Syria, a key sticking point in efforts to establish diplomatic relations between Beirut and Damascus.
Perhaps the best part of Sarkozy's approach is that it has resurrected one of slain Prime Minister Rafik Hariri's tenets, namely that Shebaa should not be decoupled from other regional issues. He had his critics for holding that view, of course. Some Lebanese were (and are) too enamored of defeatism and/or of denigrating Hizbullah to acknowledge it, but the farms are Lebanese - a fact confirmed most clearly several years ago by an Israeli academic named Asher Kaufman. There was (and is) no talking to them. Others have taken a more subtle view, arguing that Hariri's approach risked tethering Shebaa to the adjacent Golan Heights, also occupied by Israel, and therefore preventing Lebanon from ever achieving a separate peace.
There are many problems with the latter argument, but two stand out. First, there is every reason to expect that a small country like Lebanon would get the wrong end of the stick if it were ever to negotiate a bilateral peace with Israel; that is how things work in conflict resolution, especially when the Israelis are involved. Second, Israel has had plenty of time to carry out a withdrawal from Shebaa or seek negotiations, and it has done neither. In fact, it was just a few years ago that US President George W. Bush promised to raise the issue with the Israelis and the response that came back was, basically, "what's in it for us?"
Actually, they might have avoided a war with Lebanon in which Hizbullah exposed their much-ballyhooed military as having little stomach for a fight with people who are neither women nor children. A similar option is still available for Israel, one that both would help it save face and grease the wheels of its own indirect negotiations with Syria. As a first step, progress on Shebaa would almost have to include Damascus' officially communicating to the United Nations what it has already effectively conceded, namely that the farms are Lebanese and not Syrian. The formula most commonly bandied about would then see Shebaa fall under UN supervision until the Golan was evacuated. Instead of several interlocking issues preventing movement on any of them, then, a phased and internationalized transfer of Shebaa might allow leverage to start working the other way.
What's in it for Lebanon? Sarkozy's having picked up this particular ball means this country has an opportunity to simultaneously regain occupied land and defuse internal tensions. These advantages mean a great deal to average Lebanese who live in fear of how the next crisis - foreign or domestic - will affect their livelihoods, endanger their children and interrupt their education. Any Lebanese government, of any composition, that fails to see - and avidly pursue - the value in this will hear about it

Hearing echoes of the 1970s in Lebanon
By Rayyan al-Shawaf
Tuesday, June 10, 2008
Lebanon's current reprieve from its ongoing struggle with Hizbullah has allowed for the belated election of a president and the forging of an agreement between the majority and the opposition regarding a national unity cabinet. These are welcome developments and have naturally focused everyone's attention on the country's immediate political future.
Simply put, Lebanon's stability in the long term remains dependent on its ability to resolve the problem of "the resistance." Worryingly, the country's struggle with Hizbullah is looking increasingly like the bitter conflict that took place between Lebanese groups and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the 1960s and 1970s. In both cases, an armed extra-governmental group believed that it had the right to operate largely on its own terms, and to make decisions that could - and often did - plunge the country into chaos.
Nevertheless, there are a few important differences between Hizbullah and the PLO. The main reason for the PLO's overwhelming presence in Lebanon during the 1970s was the organization's desire to maintain its independence. Following its expulsion from Jordan in 1970-1971, the PLO officially made Damascus its headquarters but in practice moved most of its leadership and personnel to Beirut, where they could operate more freely. Indeed, the history of Fatah, the largest group within the PLO, has been a continuous attempt to remain free of Egyptian, Jordanian, and Syrian control.
Hizbullah, on the other hand, is an organization which identifies wholly with the Islamic Republic of Iran and is dedicated to ensuring some form of political compatibility between Lebanon and Iran. Lebanon's best hope for getting through to Hizbullah may lie in prying Syria - Hizbullah's only Arab backer - away from Iran. If Syria is brought back into the Arab fold, Iran could think twice about confronting the entire Arab world, and Hizbullah accordingly would become more flexible. Yet this Syria-first approach carries a major caveat; the carrots to be offered Syria in the hope of steering it away from Iran should include absolutely no compromise on the issue of Lebanon's sovereignty or the upcoming Hariri tribunal.
Returning to the issue of Lebanon's historical experience, it will not escape notice that the recent power struggle between the government and Hizbullah is also uncannily similar to that which took place between, specifically, the Lebanese state and the "Palestinian revolution" in the 1970s. Hizbullah's logic regarding the need for a private telecommunications network is sound - but only if one's departure point is that there should be such a thing as "the resistance." Significantly, the Palestinians employed the same resistance-based logic in the 1970s when defending their actions.
It was the Cairo Agreement of 1969 which legitimized the Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon. Perhaps the single most important lesson to be drawn from the disastrous aftermath of that fatuous understanding was the irreconcilability of resistance and state. The Cairo Agreement's restrictions on various types of Palestinian activity came to be ignored in favor of its larger legitimization of armed resistance as such. Unsurprisingly, demands that Palestinian groups coordinate their movements with the Lebanese Army proved untenable. For the state to accept the existence of a separate resistance - a violation of its own sovereignty - then to sanction that resistance's actions with its sovereign writ, was and is profoundly contradictory.
Hizbullah's own Cairo Agreement moment lasted from 1990, when the Lebanese state re-emerged from the ashes of the Civil War, until 2000, when Israel finally withdrew from southern Lebanon. During that decade, Hizbullah used its officially sanctioned resistance role to dismiss any and all attempts to bring the party in line with the Lebanese state. Even the Israeli withdrawal in 2000 and the accompanying tentative voices calling for a complete restoration of Lebanese sovereignty failed to have an impact. Hizbullah latched onto the Shebaa Farms issue and Syria silenced Lebanese dissent. However, Lebanese reaction to the assassination of the former prime minister, Rafik Hariri, in February 2005, would prove to be too much for Syria and Hizbullah to contain. Syria was forced into a humiliating withdrawal from Lebanon and Hizbullah was left exposed and vulnerable.
Since 2005, Hizbullah has committed a series of blunders, the two most spectacular being its kidnapping of Israeli soldiers in 2006, which provoked the July-August war, and its recent invasion and occupation of western Beirut. Watching their country lurch from one crisis to another as a result of Hizbullah's actions, many Lebanese have come to question a number of previously held beliefs. For example, in the past much had been made of Hizbullah's national identity, as though by virtue of being a Lebanese organization, any potential for future conflict with the state had somehow been preemptively averted. Now that such bromides have lost all currency, perhaps the country is ready to tackle the central issue of the resistance's obsolescence.
Of course, it remains to be seen whether those Lebanese at odds with Hizbullah can radically reorient their strategy. During the 1970s the tragedy was that many Lebanese accepted the existence of an armed resistance, and then hopelessly attempted to keep it under the state's jurisdiction. Until recently, the situation was much the same regarding Hizbullah.
If a debate does take place in Lebanon on whether or not "the resistance" should continue at all, it will not be enough to argue that Israel has withdrawn from the country. Resistance has somehow become its own justification, something self-generating, reminding us of George Santayana's observation that a fanatic is one who redoubles his efforts even as he forgets his aim. As a result the Lebanese will have to address the entire "culture of resistance" that Hizbullah has painstakingly cultivated over the decades. For Lebanon to become normal again, "resistance" as some sort of supreme cultural value - as opposed to a temporary phenomenon dictated by the circumstances of Israeli occupation - must be overcome. This is the only honest way to tackle the problem, and probably the most effective one. To call for disarming Hizbullah without challenging the cult of resistance would be almost as hypocritical as accepting the resistance while imposing constraints on it.
**Rayyan al-Shawaf is a freelance writer and reviewer based in Beirut. He wrote this commentary for THE DAILY STAR.

It's either a land for peace formula or the unknown
By Abdel Monem Said Aly

Tuesday, June 10, 2008
The land for peace formula was born as legal terminology when Resolution 242 was adopted by the United Nations Security Council in November 1967. Yet, that was only the first step in developing an overall concept to resolve the Arab-Israel conflict. It described a kind of "just" exchange in which the two parties to the conflict gain something of strategic value in order to achieve goals of historic magnitude.
In theory, the resolution was to provide Jews with a country they had fought hard for and the Arabs with territory and hard-fought rights. Operationally, it has had three meanings: an exchange of Arab land occupied by Israel in the June 1967 war for recognition of Israel as a sovereign country; a two-state solution for the Palestinian question in which Israel and Palestine live side by side in peace along the June 4, 1967, lines; and an overall relationship between Arabs and Israelis of recognition and normalization following Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, in other words the Arab peace initiative.
As clear and as positive as it seems, the land for peace formula has always encountered doubters in both the Arab and Israeli camps. In the Arab world there were those who thought that an aggressive society like Israel should not be granted an expanded state that went even beyond the 1947 partition resolution. A Palestinian state extending over only 22 percent of original Palestine represented anything but justice in a conflict mired in blood and violations of human rights. For some Israelis, giving up the West Bank in such an exchange is to deprive Zionism of its religious depth in addition to the strategic depth needed in a confrontation with a deeply hostile regional environment.
As the conflict evolved over the years since 1967, there was no shortage on both sides of references to the inevitability of returning "historic land" to its "rightful owners," and in Israel to changing the formula to "peace for peace" or "land for peace and security" and similar word combinations. Nor has the experience of 40 years been very encouraging for both parties. Despite rays of hope for peace, despair has been the norm in a region beset by the demons of fear and the nightmares of doubt.
Yet there is no substitute for the land for peace formula to resolve the Arab-Israel conflict. The concept has informed every step of progress in this long and bloody confrontation. It was behind the Egyptian-Israeli and Israeli-Jordanian peace treaties. In a way, it was the doctrine that changed an existential Arab-Israel conflict into one about how the two sides can live with each other and created the foundations for resolving the hard core of the conflict within the Palestinian historical space. It was the guiding principle behind the Oslo process, the Camp David summit in the summer of 2000, the Clinton parameters and all negotiations that followed. It set the standard for the exchange of territories that has paved the way to a solution to the obstacle presented by the Israeli settlements. Finally, it was the concept that made it possible to start negotiations under the Madrid and Annapolis umbrellas.
In fact, any attempt to revise the concept would mean the destruction of four decades of hard work by diplomats and politicians. Starting over with a new concept, whatever that might be, would mean embarking on a new path with no guarantee of improved performance. Moreover, the land for peace formula is the only game in town for the recently restarted Israeli-Syrian negotiations and the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, and is the concept without which the Arab peace initiative would lose all meaning. Indeed, eliminating the concept would wipe out an entire bargaining framework and base future negotiations strictly on the balance of power.
That the concept of land for peace guarantees the success of these peace endeavors between Arabs and Israelis is a fanciful proposition. Never in history has a legal, political or even moral concept proved sufficient to lead warring states or communities to peace. Concepts can only create a framework, an initial understanding, define the issue and probably the bargaining steps; but they cannot substitute for the political will of the parties or the hard work of diplomacy in translating words into substantive meaning.
**Abdel Monem Said Aly is director of the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo. This commentary first appeared at bitterlemons-international.org, an online newsletter publishing views of Middle Eastern and Islamic affairs.
 

Hezbollah: Most Powerful Political Movement in Lebanon
Interviewee: Daniel L. Byman, Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy, Saban Center for Middle East Policy, Brookings Institution
Interviewer: Bernard Gwertzman, Consulting Editor
May 29, 2008
Counterterrorism expert Daniel L. Byman, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution's Saban Center for Middle East Policy, describes Hezbollah as a "cogent mix of different facets of power" and calls it "the most powerful single political movement in Lebanon." Byman, a former CIA political analyst, estimates Iran gives Hezbollah in excess of $100 million in aid yearly, including anti-ship cruise missiles and rockets that can be used against Israel. And he says in the event of any peace agreement arising from Syria-Israel talks, Syria would be less capable of reigning in Hezbollah than it would have been in the past.
Hezbollah was formed in the early 1980s with the active assistance of Iran. How would you describe Hezbollah today?
Hezbollah today is a very, very cogent mix of different facets of power. It's a very skilled terrorist group, it's a very formidable guerilla organization, it's the most powerful single political movement in Lebanon, and it's a large social provider. They all coexist. This is not schizophrenia. This is one big organization that is able to do multiple things quite effectively.
In this latest crisis they had in Lebanon where the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora tried to crack down on Hezbollah's internal communications system, it came to the point where people feared another civil war. What was Hezbollah's strategy?
Hezbollah has always tried to portray itself, especially in the last ten to fifteen years, as a Lebanese organization as well as a broader revolutionary kind of one. As a result they have always claimed that they've never taken up arms against fellow Lebanese. I would quibble with that, but nevertheless that's been a very strong propaganda theme. So, while Hezbollah wanted people to recognize its tremendous power, it didn't want to actually have to use force to exercise it. This time, in the crisis over the government's efforts to break up Hezbollah's internal communications system, it felt that the government was pushing it too far, so it fought back. The result was a very quick Hezbollah victory. It has more street power than other rival organizations. The only group comparable is the Lebanese army, but the army is held together tenuously and it's certainly not going to go after Hezbollah. My view is that the army would lose if it did. But in any event, going after Hezbollah would be unpopular among many of the soldiers.
Hezbollah is a Shiite organization. What is the percentage of Shiites in Lebanon now?
No one really knows. Usually we say Shiites make up a "plurality" so there's a guess about slightly over 40 percent. But that figure is not something I can back up. There is a reason for that uncertainty. Lebanon's political system is based on distribution of power by community, with each community getting a slice. It was done based on a census in 1932 that said that Christians are a slight majority of the country and in the Muslim community Sunni Muslims are the majority and so on. We know that census is, to put it mildly, out of date. Christians are not even close to a majority in the country anymore and the Shiite are certainly more numerous than Sunnis. It was debatable then and is certainly false now. But if you had a new census it would ensure that so there is a tremendous interest by powerful groups in not having a new census.
How strong a military is Hezbollah actually? They fought Israel to a standstill in the summer of 2006. Do they have a modern army?
They have a very formidable guerrilla force and are able to use irregular warfare quite effectively. Could they conquer another country? If they tried to invade say Jordan or Syria, they would not be able to carry out modern, conventional operations effectively. But that's not what they are trying to do. They do what they do extremely well; they are a very potent guerrilla organization.
Since the 2006 war, there has been a United Nations operation charged with trying to prevent infiltration of additional arms from Syria and Iran, but everyone says that this has not succeeded. How much support does Iran supply to Hezbollah?
It gives Hezbollah an extremely wide array of support, including significant financial help. The figure generally talked about is $100 million a year, but my guess is that is probably higher than that. Recently it gave more because after the 2006 war Hezbollah needed more support. Iran has also provided massive training. There is an Iranian military presence in Lebanon and also weapons that were shipped through Syria. Weapons range from machine guns all the way to anti-ship cruise missiles.
Israelis mostly concerned about the missiles I take it?
They are mostly concerned about not just anti-ship cruise missiles but the longer-range rockets that can strike its cities.
You were recently in Israel. What is their sense of the situation vis-a-vis Hezbollah? Do they expect new hostilities soon?
Yes and no. There is no immediate expectation of hostility but I would say that they wouldn't be surprised if it happened tomorrow. So there is no precipitating event that they are expecting, but there is a sense that Hezbollah is not done with Israel.
If Israel and Syria actually get far along in their peace negotiations how will this affect Hezbollah?
That's a huge question. If we were having this conversation ten years ago the logic was that Syria would crack down on Hezbollah in Lebanon as part of the deal. But since then Syrian troops have left Lebanon. Syria still has a lot of influence there, but I refer to Syria as the landlord of Lebanon. Syria needs Hezbollah to protect its interests in Lebanon because Syria wants to be the dominant power and Hezbollah has street power.
To go even further, Syrian President Bashar Assad has relatively weak political legitimacy and the most popular man in the Arab world, according to polls, is [Hezbollah leader] Hassan Nasrallah. Bashar leans on Nasrallah for popular support. When you're politically weak do you really want to irritate the most popular person in the Arab world? So there is a question as to what Syria would do as part of a deal. To me, I'm not sure that Syria could shut down Hezbollah.
What should the United States be doing about Lebanon and also with Iran and Syria? The United States virtually has no dialogue with Syria or Iran right now.
To me a dialogue is logical even if it's as likely as not to produce much. You want to be able to talk to them, to put pressure on them diplomatically as well. The issue of Lebanon has been a painful one for the Syrians in particular. If there is stability in Lebanon, that may be in the U.S. interest because that might clear some of the debris away that will enable progress in places like Iraq and perhaps even the peace process with Israel. This has been an irritant in the relationship. While it's not good news that Hezbollah is doing well, if the United States recognizes it that will remove a problem.
If the United States recognizes what, that Hezbollah has a role in governance? Right, and a significant role, and also recognizes that Syria is going to be a major power in Lebanon. That will make Syria more likely to make concessions on other areas. The Clinton administration dealt with Syria very often. In fact President Clinton met with Hafez al-Assad, the former president of Syria. Why did the Bush administration decide not to deal with Syria? Was this because of the infiltration of jihadists from Syria into Iraq? That was part of it, but also, there was a sense that Syria was still supporting terrorism against Israel, which it is. The Bush administration has a very strong view, which is "Don't support terrorists."
Hamas has its top leaders in exile living in safety in Syria right now. I suppose again that in any Syria-Israel agreement, the Israelis would be very adamant on that question, insisting that they be evicted. That's correct. There's no question about that. From the Israeli point of view, why have an agreement if you're not gaining at least that? A new U.S. administration is going to come into office in January. In the Syria-Iran-Lebanon areas, what should they give priority to?
For Iran, I would say there are two priorities, the nuclear program and Iraq. I would put terrorism on the list but I would put it definitely third. To me, stabilizing Iraq is tremendously important. For Syria, encourage the peace process with Israel and you want to do that in a way that will actually help and that might result in doing it behind the scenes. I thought it was very interesting that the Turks have stepped in here as the mediators between Syria and Israel. It reminds me of when the Norwegians got involved with the Palestinians and the Israelis in 1993, leading to the Oslo agreement. And that was very successful.

Cdn soldier dies after falling into Afghan well; father says 'war is stupid'
Module body
Mon Jun 9, 1:33 AM
By Murray Brewster, The Canadian Press
KANDAHAR, Afghanistan - A Canadian officer who just days ago led his isolated troops and Afghan soldiers out of a fierce Taliban crossfire died Saturday in a strange, tragic accident during a nighttime patrol west of Kandahar. Capt. Jonathan Snyder, a member of 1st Battalion Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry based in Edmonton, fell into a deep unmarked well and likely drowned. He was on his second tour of Afghanistan and his third overseas deployment. Snyder, 26, a native of Penticton, B.C., served as a mentor to the fledgling Afghan National Army and during a recent operation managed to guide his combined unit out of a three-sided militant ambush.
"Because of his heroic leadership under intense fire, there are many Canadians and Afghans who are alive to fight tomorrow," said Maj. Robert Richie, the commander of the Operational Mentoring and Liaison Team in Zhari district, where Snyder was based. Richie did not give the date or the precise location of the firefight, but said it took place very recently during a battalion-sized operation where Afghan and Canadian troops were clearing militant positions in Zhari district, a longtime hive of insurgent activity. The last major operation in that district was Operation Rolling Thunder, which took place May 26-30, but the army did not confirm whether the action involving Snyder took place then. The soldier's father, David Snyder, told The Canadian Press from his home in Penticton late on Sunday that his son was a "sensitive, intelligent, tough young man who loved his job and loved soldiering."
The grieving father said he supported his son and the Canadian military, but not Canada's mission in Afghanistan. "The war is stupid. Maybe it's necessary at times, but there's all sorts of things to consider. "I ask the members of Parliament 'Is it worth the sacrifice of their children' " asked the father, adding that his ultimate question is "Why are we there?" Speaking about his family's loss, David Snyder said his son left behind a grieving father, a brother, a broken-hearted mother and a young woman he was going to marry.
Capt. Snyder's mother, Anne Snyder, said her son was an adventurous high achiever who had aspired to join the military since before the age of 12.
"I can remember him saying to me he had to go to french immersion because he wouldn't get above the rank of major if he wasn't bilingual," she said from her Halifax home. Snyder said her son felt protected, was never fearful, and believed his actions in Afghanistan were helping to move the country forward.
"If anything ever happens mom, don't feel badly for me, I'm where I'm supposed to be," she said, quoting her son in a recent phone conversation.
Canada's top soldier in Afghanistan described Snyder as the kind of officer every general would want to command.
Brig.-Gen. Denis Thompson, head of Task Force Afghanistan, praised the affable and energetic soldier as a "role model" and pledged that his sacrifice would not be forgotten. Regimental Maj. Erik Liebert of PPCLI based in Edmonton echoed Thompson's remarks about his friend.
"He was an exceptional officer - fit, intelligent, principled, a man with excellent interpersonal skills and a great sense of humour," Liebert said.
"If mistakes would happen or something would go wrong, you could always depend on John Snyder to give you the straight story, to stand up for his subordinates, he never tried to point fingers elsewhere and always accepted responsibility for his actions."
"He was an excellent role model and pretty much what we are looking for - he could have been a recruiting poster for junior officers."
Thousand of NATO soldiers, including a handful of Afghan troops, lined the tarmac at Kandahar Airfield late Sunday night for a ramp ceremony.
"Capt. Snyder will leave an indelible mark on this unit and I'm sure on the Afghan National Army," said Col. Jean-Francois Riffou, who commands all of the army's OMLTs in Kandahar.
"He was a professional. He was quiet. He was always looking out for his men. And he was always looking out for the Afghan soldiers and taking all means available to see that they improved."
Prime Minister Stephen Harper offered condolences to Snyder's family and friends Sunday. "He will be remembered as someone who worked shoulder to shoulder with Afghans to help bring security and stability back to their country, a key part of Canada's focus on training Afghan forces. Captain Snyder's sacrifice will be honoured by Canadians and Afghans alike," Harper said in a statement. A statement from Liberal leader Stephane Dion said: "Captain Snyder's contributions will not be forgotten." Snyder's body is being flown back to Canada aboard a C-130 Hercules transport, where it will arrive at Canadian Forces Base Trenton, Ont., some time in the next few days. He was on foot patrol in a field in Zhari district when he tumbled into an open well that Afghans call a "kariz."
The wells, which dot the countryside, can be a couple of metres wide at the opening, but are often hard to spot among the tall grass and wheat fields.
They are often unmarked and connect to a maze of underground irrigation ditches used to soothe the parched landscape in river valleys.
Even with night vision gear, which all troops wear, the opening would appear only as shadows.
Thompson estimated the well Snyder was trapped in may have been as deep as 20 metres. Snyder would have been wearing at least 34 kilograms of equipment, including a flak vest and helmet, when he fell into the well and easily have been held under water by the weight.
The rest of his patrol tried desperately to reach him. They radioed for help and eventually one soldier was lowered by rope to extract him.
"Medical, engineering and search-and-rescue assets were rushed to the scene, and Jon was lifted from the well," said Thompson, who spoke with members of Snyder's platoon on Sunday. The young soldier was rushed to the NATO military hospital at Kandahar Airfield where he was pronounced dead.
For reasons of operational security, the army refused to say where in Zhari district the joint patrol was operating.
Thompson wouldn't speculate on the cause of death because an autopsy has yet to be performed, but said there will be a full investigation.
Snyder was a lieutenant, leading a platoon during his last tour. He saw action at Sangin, in neighbouring Helmand province, as well as in the Panjwaii district of Kandahar. It was an unpredictable time when the mission was relatively new to Canadian soldiers, who were getting their first bloody taste of counter-insurgency war. His exemplary service earned him a promotion to captain just before he went home in August 2006.
As troops from the 1st Battalion Royal Canadian Regiment arrived to relieve his unit, Snyder appealed to the humanity of the fresh troops, telling them that ordinary Afghans were a lot like Canadians in their hopes and desires. "I say, 'Go in there with an open mind and treat people as you would back home in Canada and go from there,"' he was quoted as saying in an interview. Snyder leaves behind a fiancee and his parents. He is the 85th Canadian soldier to die in the war-torn country, along with one diplomat, since the Afghan war started, and the second to die in less than a week. Capt. Richard (Steve) Leary, a platoon leader, died of wounds following an ambush in the restive Panjwaii district on Tuesday. The untimely deaths of Snyder and Leary, as well as the wounding of other junior officers, has left its mark on the Canadian combat mission, but Thompson insisted training and organization of the army means others will now step up to continue.
"Regardless of the rank of the soldier or officer that's injured, every one of these hurts fairly deeply," he said. "As tragic as these are, they're no reason to put down our tools and not carry on."