LCCC NEWS
BULLETIN
FEBRUARY 14/2006
Below News From The Daily
Star for 14.2.06
Jumblatt accuses Hizbullah of serving Iran
Aoun meets with Feltman to clarify pact with Hizbullah
Ambassador renews U.S. pledge to support Lebanon
Siniora meets Saudi king in Riyadh
Saad Hariri insists Syria sending militants claiming to be Al-Qaeda
Maybe God had an economic problem and he needed daddy'
Demands for an international tribunal into the assassination of Hariri persist
Hariri message informs Sfeir rally will unite Lebanese in defense of freedom
Palestinian murder suspects in custody
Isbat al-Ansar goes public
Fatfat vows tight security for National Unity Day
Officials discuss court for Hariri case
Cold fronts expected on heels of stormy weather
Hizbullah must accept a national dialogue over its arms. By Mohammed Zaatari
Yemeni journalists face death warrants of apostasy.By: Joseph Krauss
Iran resumes enrichment as Russia talks scrapped
Carrying the torch of Hariri's legacy into the future
Good sense from Moscow and Paris about holding talks with Hamas
France extends travel warning to nine Muslim countries
Islamophobia: A second Holocaust in the making,By: Dr. Bouthaina Shaaban
Below News From Miscellaneous
Sources for 14.2.06
Hariri son tries to revive Lebanon anti-Syria protest-By Tim Butcher, Middle
East Correspondent 14.2.06
Journalist charged after advocating dialogue-IRIN 14.2.06
Lawyer handed $35,000 libel award
SHANNON KARI
VANCOUVER -- A respected defence lawyer has been awarded $35,000 in damages for
defamation after the Vancouver Sun published a large photo that misidentified
him as a former client accused of having ties to Hezbollah.
"This was a libel of enormously destructive potential," said B.C. Supreme Court
Justice Eric Rice, in ruling in favour of Vancouver lawyer David St. Pierre.The
lawyer sued the newspaper as a result of an article and photo it published
prominently on Page 3 of its Feb. 13, 2003, edition. The article was about a
Canadian Security Intelligence Service report that claimed Hezbollah had
established a "Canadian procurement network" to "assist and support terrorists."
There was a brief reference to Burnaby resident Ali Adham Amhaz, who was
indicted by U.S. authorities in 2001 for alleged involvement with Hezbollah. The
charges against Mr. Amhaz were later withdrawn.
There is no reference in the article to Mr. St. Pierre, who had briefly
represented Mr. Amhaz nearly two years earlier. But next to the article was a
colour photo, 26 centimetres long and 12 centimetres wide, of Mr. St. Pierre.
The caption that accompanied the photo stated that "charges of supporting
Hezbollah were dropped against Burnaby's Ali Adham Amhaz."
Judge Rice rejected arguments by the newspaper that there was no damage done to
Mr. St. Pierre's reputation because he was not named in the article and the
photo caption, which wrongly identified the lawyer as his former client, stated
that the charges were dropped. "To report that a person has been indicted on
charges of terrorism is enough, in my opinion, to injure his or her reputation.
Terrorists are reviled by ordinary people," Judge Rice noted in his Feb. 10
ruling.
"That Mr. St. Pierre is a person of colour identified by the name Ali Adham
Amhaz, and shown in the picture with something of a frown on his face, would
lead some readers, I'm sure, to presume that he was of Middle Eastern origin and
hostile," the judge said. During a two-day trial last month, the judge heard
evidence that the owner of a gym to which Mr. St. Pierre used to be a member
believed the lawyer was part of a "sleeper cell" after the article was
published. The article and photo were also posted behind a counter by staff at
the downtown Vancouver provincial courthouse.
As well, a number of clients called to inquire whether Mr. St. Pierre was a
terrorist or a lawyer for terrorists.
"The importance to a lawyer of a reputation for honour and integrity has been
spoken of in numerous decisions and cannot be underemphasized," the judge said.
The Vancouver Sun issued an apology on Page 2, the day after the article and
photo were published. The newspaper, "to its credit, honourably admitted its
mistake and promptly apologized," Judge Rice said. "However, the Sun must accept
the risks that go with its drive to get its stories out."The judge also awarded
Mr. St. Pierre two-thirds of his legal costs, but ruled against a claim for
further damages on the basis of an alleged breach of his privacy rights. Mr. St.
Pierre was unavailable for comment yesterday.
Teamwork Against Terror Font Size:
Co-Authored by Sally McNamara
By Olivier Guitta : BIO | 13 Feb 2006
Recent events have proven all too dramatically that homeland security can be
ensured only in the context of global security. Since September 11, 2001,
domestic counter-terrorism has become a matter of worldwide
intelligence-gathering and the dogged pursuit of international terrorist
networks. Transnational terrorism represents a lethal threat to all Western
nations, therefore the response has to be international. After September 11,
Western nations were left with no choice but to cooperate closely in terms of
intelligence, know-how and even procedures. But this is without doubt one of the
most difficult areas for cooperation among nations. Indeed, in order to be
effective, this cooperation must be very discreet, often touching on sensitive,
"sovereign" areas like intelligence and justice. Most importantly, cooperation
must also focus on operational issues - such as on how to prevent terrorist
attacks in the planning process. For these reasons, cooperation works much
better in a bilateral arena rather than a multilateral one. Thus, it has proven
much easier for the United States to cooperate with individual member states of
the European Union than with the institution as a whole. Where speed, trust and
flexibility are needed, individual partnerships have proven the most reliable
forum for stopping the terrorists, and the EU must now refocus its efforts to
addressing the most effective part it can play in winning the war on terror.
Transatlantic partnerships on counterterrorism have improved tremendously since
the September 11 attacks. Certain individual partnerships are flourishing and
there is reason to be optimistic that many European nations and America will
continue to enjoy long-term alliances, based on reciprocal approaches to
security matters. The clear rapprochement between U.S. and European intelligence
services is one of the most striking aspects of this new cooperation. Indeed
before September 11, European services would complain of the lack of U.S.
cooperation, especially regarding Islamist terrorism. But Europeans now
acknowledge that cooperation is much improved. In fact, information is flowing
smoothly on both ends and it is utilized more effectively now that services work
to complement each other. Indeed, European services' forte - especially France's
- is human intelligence on Islamist terror groups, while the U.S.'s strength is
its impressive electronic intelligence gathering capability. Combining the two
in an unselfish, cooperative fashion is a win-win combination.
Interestingly enough, political disagreement from some European quarters over
the war in Iraq did not significantly affect the level of cooperation between
individual European countries and the United States (it is also worth noting
that 12 EU member states were actually part of the initial coalition of the
willing). For instance, France, which led opposition to the war in Iraq, has
been one of America's best partners in counterterrorism intelligence efforts.
Former CIA Director John McLaughlin described the relationship between the CIA
and its French counterparts as "one of the best in the world. What they are
willing to contribute is extraordinarily valuable." According to The Washington
Post, right after September 11, French President Jacques Chirac advised his
intelligence services to collaborate with American ones "as if they were your
own service."
Germany, which, like France, opposed the Iraq war, has also been a reliable ally
in counterterrorism intelligence. While ex-German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder
was vehemently critical of the U.S. over the intervention in Iraq, Interior
Minister Wolfgang Schäuble revealed that German agents were interrogating
alleged German terrorists in Syria and in Guantanamo. Also, as of April 2004, up
to 15 liaison officers from U.S. law enforcement agencies were participating in
investigations under way in Germany.
Nevertheless, some rough spots remain in the transatlantic relationship over the
global war on terror. Germany's recent release of Mohammed Hamadi, the
life-sentenced Lebanese hijacker and member of Hezbollah who murdered an
American serviceman in 1985 and dumped his body on the tarmac of the Beirut
airport, is a disgrace - nothing short of an appeasement to terrorists. This is
a serious step backward for German-American cooperation in fighting terror.
And despite some positive signs from the EU, Washington is right to be
suspicious about the extent to which the union, as a whole, has the stomach for
a prolonged war on terror or real understanding of the magnitude of the problem.
The controversy surrounding the EU's official list of terrorist organizations
exemplifies the very problem that it faces in forming a cohesive response to the
changing global security picture. Following the September 11 attacks, the EU
formulated an official list of terrorist organizations, although press reports
indicated that it was initially reluctant to do so. Having agreed on a common
definition of terrorism - a definition that is substantially narrower than the
U.S.'s - it placed 12 groups and 30 individuals on this list, which obliges
member states to seize their assets. This is a welcome move as a visible
repudiation of terrorism and those who sponsor it.
However, the most recent list, issued November 29, 2005, does not include
Hezbollah - a terrorist organization that was responsible for killing the most
Americans prior to September 11. In March 2005, worried by the continued
omission of Hezbollah from the list, the European Parliament voted
overwhelmingly in favor of a resolution branding Hezbollah in whole as a
terrorist organization, calling on the Council to "take all necessary steps to
curtail them." But the Council has not listened and the EU has not added the
group to its official list. Worse still, this list has never even included al
Qaeda as an official terrorist organization, a rather glaring omission, to put
it mildly.
Knowing that most of the planning for the September 11 attacks occurred in
Hamburg, and that Europe has become a base for Islamist terror cells, America's
national security is irrevocably connected to Europe. And Europe needs America,
too; its defense capabilities - and budgets - fall well below those of the
United States, and there is little probability that this will change. Neither
side can afford a divided relationship. Europe itself has been hit by major
terrorist attacks since September 11. One of our enemies' stated aims is to
split Western alliances, and break down the united fronts that can most
effectively fight the war on terror. We cannot let this happen at the risk of
losing the war.
**Olivier Guitta is a foreign affairs consultant and Sally McNamara is the
International Initiative Project Director for the American Legislative Exchange
Council. A longer version of this article can be downloaded here.
LEBANON: MOOD OF UNCERTAINTY ONE YEAR AFTER HARIRI'S
KILLING
Beirut, 13 Feb. (AKI) - On the stroke of midnight Monday electronic billboards
around Beirut will light up the digits "365" to signal the first anniversary of
former prime minister Rafik Hariri's assassination. At 1 pm local time on 14
February 2005, a massive explosion rocked the streets near the city's Hotel
Saint George killing Hariri and 20 others in an attack widely seen as a
watershed in Lebanese politics.
On Tuesday, Lebanon will stop for a minute of silence at 12.55 pm to commemorate
those who died. Also scheduled is the building by young members of 'The Future',
a political party carrying forward Hariri's anti-Syrian legacy of a huge pyramid
made out of more than 35,000 books to pay homage to the former premier's
education policies. Other gestures honouring Hariri include a torch-light
procession, speeches and the unveiling of a statue near the site of the lethal
explosion. The former premier's son, Saad Hariri, has returned to Lebanon from
France, where he has been living in recent months for fear of an attack on his
life, to preside over some of the events.
Lebanon has changed dramatically over the last year. Days after the attack,
hundreds of thousands of people came out into the streets to protest againt the
ongoing presence in the country of Syria, which they accused of being behind the
killing.
For many, Harir's fate was sealed some months earlier, when he spoke out against
an extension to the mandate of Lebanon's pro-Syrian president Emile Lahoud. But
others appeared sceptical that Damascus was behind the bloody deed. Why, they
asked, would the government of Syrian president Basher al-Assad want to
eliminate one of the closest friends of the Saudi royal family and French
president Jacques Chirac? Surely such a move would lead to Syria being
stigmatised by the international community?
But the crescendo of street protests forced the government of prime minster Omar
Karame to resign, while in the a wake of international pressure, Syria in April
pulled out its 14,000 troops from Lebanon, ending a presence that had lasted
almost three decades.
What followed was legislative elections that saw the triumph of a coalition of
anti-Syrian parties and the creation of a United Nations commission of inquiry
to investigate Hariri's killing.
In July, Fuad Siniora, a former finance minister in Hariri's government was
chosen to lead a government containing representatives of both the anti-Syrian
coalition and the pro-Damascus movements Hezbollah and Amal.
In August, the UN commission headed by German magistrate, Detlev Mehlis,
signalled a major breakthorugh in its investigations, ordering the arrest of
four top Lebanese security officials, all close to Lahoud, in connection with
Hariri's murder.
But while many hoped that the departure of the Syrians and the elections would
herald a rosier future for the country, a series of bloody bombings brought back
memories of Lebanon's darkest days during the 1975-91 civil war. In June,
journalist Samir Kassir and former Communist party leader George Hawi died in
attacks apparently aimed at some of Syria's sharpest critics in Lebanon. In
December, publisher and journailist Gibran Tueni lost his life in a bomb attack
in Beirut, while there were close escapes for former interior minister Elias al-Murr
and television presenter May Chidiaq who was maimed in a September bomb blast.
In December, Mehlis in a report handed over to the UN, implicated senior Syrian
officials in Hariri's killing including Damascus security services chief, Asef
Shawkat, and his deputy based in Lebanon, Rustum Ghazale. Five of the Syrian
officials, including Ghazale, were subsequently interrogated by Mehlis'
investigators, but the German magistrates' request to question al-Assad was
turned down. Relations between Lebanon and Syria remain tense.
The uncertainty surrounding Lebanon's future has been exemplified by the delays
in staging of a major donors' conference in Beirut to kick-start the country's
ailing economy.The so-called Core Group - consisting of the UN, the EU, the
World Bank, the United States, Russia, France, Britain, Italy, Egypt and Saudi
Arabia - has yet to be convinced that lasting stability has returned to the
country.
The situation has not been helped by the squabbling between the various parties
in the ruling coalition, which seem to have lost the cohesion that brought them
together during the so-called 'Beirut spring' in the aftermath of Hariri's
killing.
Meanwhile, Iranian-backed Hezbollah continued to resist international calls for
it to disarm and its militiamen continue to preside large parts of southern
Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley.
HAMAS EXTENDS CONTROL INTO LEBANON
NICOSIA [MENL] -- Hamas has sought to use its victory in Palestinian legislative
elections to extend control over Lebanon.
Hamas has sought to gain control over the 300,000-member Palestinian community
in Lebanon. The Islamic insurgency group has offered to help resolve friction
between Palestinians and Lebanese, particularly in the Sidon area of southern
Lebanon.
The effort has been spearheaded by Hamas leader Khaled Masha'al, based in
Damascus. Palestinian sources said Masha'al has been in contact with Lebanese
officials and parliamentarians.
"Hamas wants to form a front with Hizbullah in Lebanon in which Hamas would
become responsible for Palestinian security," a Palestinian source said.
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Al Qaeda Increases Presence in Lebanon
13/02/2006-By Thair Abbas
Beirut, Asharq Al-Awsat- Al Qaeda is trying to increase its presence in Lebanon
and create a foothold in the country, the country’s acting Interior Minister
Ahmad Fatfat told Asharq al Awsat Saturday.
In recent weeks, the Lebanese authorities have uncovered two al Qaeda groups and
detained several foreigners, including Syrians, Palestinians and a Saudi. “We do
not know the size of this activity but the issue is worrying us. I have the
impression [al Qaeda] is trying to establish bases in Lebanon.”
Fatfat denied Lebanon was fertile grounds of extremist Islamic groups, such as
al Qaeda, as had been mistakenly reported by news agencies following an
interview he gave to the French newspaper Liberation. He did, however, admit
that al Qaeda was secretly active in places “where there are suitable
ideological current and social conditions (such as poverty).
The Interior Minister hinted Syria was allowing al Qaeda members to infiltrate
into Lebanon and indicated Osama bin Laden’s group was coordinating its activity
with the Palestinian pro- Syrian Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-
General Command. He revealed the PFLP-GC had fired rockets at Israel, under
orders from al Qaeda and noted “there are several trends within al Qaeda”, one
of which would be cooperating with the Syrian security services.
Siniora meets Saudi king in Riyadh
By Adnan El-Ghoul -Daily Star staff
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BEIRUT: Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora held talks with Saudi King
Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz and other Saudi officials in Riyadh on Monday to discuss
Arab initiatives to help mend Lebanon's tense relations with Syria and encourage
the country's stagnant national dialogue.
During the first round of talks, Siniora met with Transport Minister Jbara bin
Eid al-Soreisri before meeting Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal, who
pledged his country's "continued support" for Lebanon.
Asked if Siniora requested Saudi mediation regarding Lebanese-Syrian relations,
Faisal said: "We began discussing the issue, but the prime minister will
continue his discussion in more detail with King Abdullah."
He added that he was hopeful the talks will bring "good things to Lebanon."
Saudi government sources said that Faisal discussed with Siniora the Lebanese
situation from the perspective of recent regional developments, in the presence
of Soreisri, the Saudi
Ambassador in Lebanon Abdel-Aziz Muhiedine Khoja and Lebanon's acting Ambassador
in Saudi Arabia Ali Ghazawi.
Lebanese government sources said Siniora asked Saudi officials to supply Lebanon
with logistical support and telecommunications equipment to boost the Interior
Ministry's capabilities.
On the topic of national dialogue, which is also expected to be discussed in
Saudi Arabia, Speaker Nabih Berri has promised to begin a national dialogue
after the commemoration of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri's assassination.
Former President Amin Gemayel said the commemoration event must be an
opportunity to launch the national dialogue, without which "nothing can move
forward."
"The Phalange Party formed a special committee to prepare a proposal that will
contain our views on all national issues to be discussed in the upcoming
dialogue, which we prefer to take place in the Parliament."
Gemayel welcomed the "joint understanding" between Hizbullah and the Free
Patriotic Movement, saying: "In addition to tackling several crucial issues,
others remain for discussion. The Phalange will embark on suggesting solutions
to such remaining issues."
More regional talks are also expected to take place in Beirut starting next
Thursday. Lebanese diplomatic sources said the Iranian Foreign Minister Mino
Shahr Metki will begin a two-day state visit to Lebanon on February 15.
Jumblatt accuses Hizbullah of serving Iran
By Leila Hatoum and Maher Zeineddine -Daily Star staff
Monday, February 13, 2006
BEIRUT: Druze MP Walid Jumblatt attacked Hizbullah Sunday, saying it is "an
armed force which controls the lawless South and which serves the best interests
of the Islamic Republic of Iran." Speaking before visitors in his mountain
refuge of Mukhtara Sunday, Jumblatt, who had said late last week that Hizbullah
is a militia, said "the loyalty in this country is divided," and that Lebanon is
"facing a great conflict."
He added that Hizbullah's power, which is drawn from the $300 to $400 million in
aid from Iran, "can create a state within a state. Let them give us the same
capabilities and aid and see what we can do. But our plan is to build one
country."
Jumblatt again stressed that the Shebaa Farms is not Lebanese but in fact Syrian
and that Syria had altered the maps pushing the borderline to show that Shebaa
Farms is Lebanese and this way Hizbullah's resistance to the Israeli occupation
of a supposedly Lebanese territory would be justified.
Jumblatt displayed a Lebanese Army map dating back to 1962, which he said
clearly shows the Shebaa Farms outside Lebanese borders, Jumblatt added that the
imprisoned former chief of Lebanese General Security, Jamil Sayyed, had given
him a map in 2001 on which changes had been made to the original map, putting
Shebaa Farms in Lebanon.
Sayyed is charged, with three other former security chiefs, with planning, and
taking part in the assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri. They are
currently awaiting trial.
The Druze leader explained that in this way, "Syria and Iran could extend their
influence in Lebanon through the continuation of Hizbullah's role."
Jumblatt continued that Hariri "was not convinced of the 2001 forged map and
that is one of the reasons why he was assassinated."
Sources close to Premier Fouad Siniora told The Daily Star Sunday that "Premier
Siniora has not seen the maps that Jumblatt is talking about, and the maps
should be examined first."
Siniora has stated on numerous occasions that the Shebaa Farms are Lebanese.
Foreign Minister Fawzi Salloukh, who is pro-Hizbullah and the Amal Movement,
echoed Siniora's statements saying that the Shebaa Farms "are in fact Lebanese
territories occupied by Israel."
Jumblatt added that Lebanon "continues to be a hostage of Syrian and Iranian
greed."
As an example of the aid extended to Hizbullah, and which shows the extension of
Syria and Iran's role in Lebanon,
Jumblatt said a truck loaded with arms "crossed the Lebanese-Syrian border into
Lebanon late Friday to one of the armed forces in Lebanon. The army stopped it
for some time before allowing it to continue on its way."
Jumblatt also replied to Hizbullah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah's
comment about Lebanon's political majority-minority combination, in which the
Hizbullah chief stated the majority was an "imaginary" one.
"We are not an imaginary majority as someone said recently at an event,"
Jumblatt said.
Aoun meets with Feltman to clarify pact with Hizbullah
Daily Star staff-Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BEIRUT: Following his first meeting with U.S. Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman after
the statement of understanding was inked between the Free Patriotic Movement and
Hizbullah, FPM leader MP Michel Aoun said the meeting was an opportunity to
explain to Feltman certain terms so the document would not be misunderstood.
Last Monday, Hizbullah's Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and Aoun
issued a joint statement of understanding in support of the arms of the
resistance so long as there are occupied Lebanese territories.
The statement also calls for national dialogue to resolve pending issues,
implement democracy, draft a new electoral law, establish a strong and modern
country and resolve the security situation.
Speaking from Rabieh, Aoun said the statement was put within its framework,
adding the FPM is ready to provide any information to any person wishing to
inquire about it.
Asked about negative criticism the initiative drew, especially from U.S.
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Welch, Aoun
emphasized "there was no negative criticism, only a request to explain certain
terms."
In an indirect allusion to the FPM-Hizbullah agreement, Welch conveyed Friday
his administration's concern about any Lebanese-Lebanese understandings that can
hinder the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1559.
The resolution in part calls for the disarmament of Lebanese and non-Lebanese
militia.
Commenting on the Baabda-Aley by-elections, Aoun said: "A candidate should meet
certain terms and have a representative quality to be a compromise candidate and
by that we mean candidate Pierre Dakkash." He said the FPM decided to grant
Dakkash the freedom of affiliation.
Asked why Syria decided to release 88 Lebanese detainees from its jails and
whether this decision resulted from the FPM-Hizbullah understanding, Aoun said
the Lebanese people must learn to criticize what is broadcast on television and
to learn to observe things from a positive perspective.
Over the weekend, Syrian sources revealed to As-Safir newspaper that a list of
88 Lebanese convicted with various crimes in Syria was delivered by the Syrian
authorities to the Lebanese government. The sources said many of these detainees
are expected to be released from prison within the coming weeks.
"We leave it to the people to assess our deeds and we do not wish to comment so
that we do not interpret facts," he added.
Commenting on the maps displayed Sunday by Druze leader Walid Jumblatt to prove
the Syrian identity of the Shebaa Farms, Aoun said a probe should be started
into the issue, adding that only the government can prove the identity of the
Farms as it is the only authority which released the relevant title deeds.
"As long as the title deeds are issued by the Lebanese authorities, the land is
Lebanese; had they been issued by Syria the farms would have been Syrian," he
added. - The Daily Star
Ambassador renews U.S. pledge to support Lebanon
Daily Star staff-Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BEIRUT: U.S. Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman laid wreaths on Monday at the graves of
assassinated former Premier Rafik Hariri, his bodyguards and MP Basel Fuleihan,
and said that "the United States and the international community remain firm in
their resolve to support and assist Lebanon."
In a statement addressed to the Lebanese on the eve of the commemoration of the
assassination of Hariri, Feltman said: "February 14, 2005 was a day of enormous
loss for Lebanon. But it was also the day that the Lebanese people discovered
the power of their voices. The determined cry for sovereignty, freedom and
independence that arose from the ashes of a heinous crime captured the world's
attention."
He added: "The international community, which had already asserted its support
for Lebanese democracy with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559,
gave their promise that the Lebanese people would know the truth about the
assassination of Rafik Hariri."
"With Security Council Resolution 1644, the international community also offered
a helping hand to Lebanon to solve the related terrorist attacks carried out
over the past 18 months that aimed at, but failed to achieve, the division of
the Lebanese people," Feltman said.
He also praised the Lebanese people's determination: "Drawing on their rich
diversity of backgrounds and confessions, the Lebanese people have demonstrated
that they can decide for themselves who their leaders should be and how best to
manage their domestic affairs. And in the face of intentional provocations and
despite unrelenting attacks, the Lebanese have remained undeterred, their
dialogue unabated."
He said: "While we recognize what has been achieved over the past year, we are
also reminded - including by last Sunday's violent demonstrations - that many
problems remain."
He added: "The Lebanese people should know they are not alone in their
struggle."
He said: "I am deeply committed to building on our successful partnership to
support Lebanese initiatives to strengthen democracy, expand economic
opportunity and ensure justice and stability.
"To honor those whose lives that have been lost in the struggle for Lebanese
sovereignty, the United States will continue to work with the Lebanese people to
achieve Rafik Hariri's vision of a renewed and rebuilt Lebanon and to realize
Basel Fuleihan's dreams of prosperity and economic opportunity for Lebanese of
all communities, throughout Lebanon," he said.
"The United States and the American people stand with Lebanon and the Lebanese
people today, tomorrow and in the future, to build and support a secure,
sovereign, democratic, united and prosperous Leb-anon," he said. - The Daily
Star
Saad Hariri insists Syria sending militants claiming
to be Al-Qaeda
By Majdoline Hatoum -Daily Star staff-
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BEIRUT: Saad Hariri, son of slain Lebanese Premier Rafik Hariri, said Monday
Syria was sending militant radicals into Lebanon, and claiming they belonged to
Al-Qaeda. "We are not that stupid, we know that the militants infiltrating the
Lebanese borders from Syria are the same militants the government of Damascus
has been sending to Iraq for the past three years under the claim they belong to
Al-Qaeda," he said during an interview with the Lebanese Broadcasting
Corporation International (LBCI).
Hariri, who returned Sunday to take part in the commemoration of his father's
assassination Tuesday, said Lebanon did not want to instigate any problems with
Syria.
"It is time for us Lebanese to rule ourselves, and we are only asking to be
given the chance to do so," he said.
He added accusations against him of paving the way for a Western plan aiming at
changing the regime in Syria were untrue.
"We don't want to have any problems with the ruling regime in Syria," he said,
and added: "W just want them to leave us alone to rebuild our country."
Hariri also called on the Lebanese people to participate heavily in his father's
commemoration, which he said should be a uniting day for all Lebanese.
"A year ago, we suffered from a very hideous crime, the murder of Hariri, and
this crime made the Lebanese people realize the rights of their country was not
in their hands, and that it was the time for us to be the masters of our own
decisions," he said. "This day should be a day that unites all Lebanese, and I
believe they will show their loyalty tomorrow," Hariri said.
When asked if he would ever forgive the assassination of his father, Hariri said
he hoped God will give him the power to eventually do so "if the one responsible
for the crime was Lebanese."
"But if he is not Lebanese, I don't think I will be able to forgive," he said.
"What gives a foreigner the right to assault us in this dreadful way?" he asked.
Hariri also said in case there is a Saudi initiative to ease tensions in
relations between Syria and Lebanon, it would be a positive one, and would not
come at the expense of the truth behind his father's death.
"Saudi Arabia can never sell Hariri's blood, and they have declared several
times that any initiative can never marginalize the results of the international
probe into my father's assassination" he said.
'Maybe God had an economic problem and he needed daddy'
By Mayssam Zaaroura -Daily Star staff
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BEIRUT: Basel Fuleihan, who was alongside Rafik Hariri exactly a year ago when
the former premier's motorcade was devastated by a massive explosion, was
himself also a visionary with a picture for a prosperous, independent Lebanon.
And according to Yasma Fuleihan, the widow of the former economy minister, his
dream for Lebanon is still very much alive.
Yasma, who will turn 40 on March 5 - "not March 14" as she says jokingly - is a
soft-spoken, intelligent woman with two children she now has to raise on her
own.
Yasma has emerged slowly into the limelight to talk about life without Basel and
her ambitions to make sure his "way of thinking doesn't disappear."
"This past year has been hard. Very hard," she said, looking into mid-air as if
witnessing anew the events of last February.
"It's continuous, it's never stopped. And I'm trying - we're trying - to learn
from our pain. But there's an emptiness, a huge emptiness," she added. "You lose
your confidence when something like this happens.
"I mean, we used to talk like 30 times a day. He would call me even between
meetings. And when everyone leaves at the end of the evenings, when everyone
goes home ... at the end of the day, you're alone."
Yasma and Basel met in Washington, where he was working, at the age of just 25,
as the senior adviser to the Saudi Executive Director of the International
Monetary Fund.
"I met him a few months before he left. And when he told me that he was planning
to come here, I thought ok he'll go for three months and come back ... well, now
this is what happened," she said.
Her children - Raina, 6, and Rayan, 4, - talk and ask about their father often.
They are currently living in Geneva because after the attempt on Economy
Minister Marwan Hamade's life on October 1, 2004, "we moved there."
"It's not a taboo subject," she smiled. "We talk about Basel, his ideas, his
thoughts ... I try always to make them aware that even though he's physically
not here, he's still here, in the stars. I created a garden where he's buried
and I try to keep them involved, I tell them, let's go to daddy's garden and
they do drawings which I attach to the tree there.
"Raina remembers, she remembers that we were a very close family and she says
'we were very happy' and she can remember the details of our life and she wants
things to continue that way.
"They don't know about the explosion. They know that a car accident happened
because of other people's faults, which is true, but I just gradually explain to
them.
"I tell them that their daddy was an important man and he produced many
beautiful things - but in the end God needed him."
She added: "I tell them that even though He didn't want to take him because He
knew his family needed him, God would walk around and turn around and around
thinking to himself, 'what am I going to do?' But destiny is here and that's why
he sent him to Percy Hospital for a while so we can have more time to come to
say good-bye.
"And I tell them, I don't know, maybe God had an economic problem and he needed
daddy," she laughs.
Looking at Lebanon now, does Yasma see the Lebanon that Basel Fuleihan once
dreamed of?
"We used to talk about Lebanon and compare it to a family. To be united is fine,
but we need to think what it needs to be united. Mistakes, fine, we all make
mistakes, but we need to think how we can plan to correct our mistakes."
"It's like a couple who gets married. If they are influenced from outside, they
will fall apart and get divorced. The country, the Lebanese, if we try to listen
to each other, we'll succeed. And we're a family because we have one identity -
the Cedar, if you want. One cedar and one set of laws.
"The main reason Basel returned was love for his country and his belief in the
people," said Yasma. "He always wanted to know about Lebanon's history and
always used to say: 'Go abroad if you can, get a good education and do all you
can to come back and benefit your country.'"
His main aim was to return the middle class to Lebanon. "He wanted to improve
the people's standards of living to bring back a middle class, just like
Europe," said Yasma.
"He believed in the young and to him, small enterprises were more important that
big ones," Yasma said. "He was working, for the two years before he was killed,
on a social economic project that he handed over to Rafik Hariri days before
they were killed."
Basel Fuleihan left a successful career with the IMF to come to Lebanon in June
1993.
"Before Basel became an MP and then a minister, he was an adviser at the Finance
Ministry when he was 29. He had already started reforming the ministry," Yasma
said.
"He built the Institute of Finance in Lebanon to re-educate the ministry's
employees and it became one of the best in the region," she added.
In 2000, Fuleihan was elected as an MP and became minister for economy and
trade.
"Premier Hariri began noticing Basel during the meetings at the ministry, before
he became minister. He noticed his negotiation skills, his analytical skills and
his ability to find solutions to economic problems," said Yasma.
"He started calling Basel in the mornings and would try to meet with him as
often as possible," she said.
After his election, Fuleihan worked "worked on the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade
agreement and was the chief architect of Lebanon's economic and financial
program presented at the Paris I and Paris II donor conferences," she said
proudly.
Now, Yasma has taken up the mantle of the late minister and, more importantly,
understands - and had shared - the details of Fuleihan's work and has already
started working to fulfill his goals.
However, she doesn't "necessarily have political ambitions, no. It's not
political, it's his dreams, his ambitions, his ideas," she said.
"If I want to become a politician and not [be able to] apply what I want to
apply, it's not worth it. I want to see, before I die, a final project."
And Yasma has already started working on that final project - the Basel Fuleihan
Foundation, which is "a social economic foundation that works on providing the
Lebanese with basic social needs and promotes young people by trying to put
their ideas, especially technological ones, into practice."This is what Basel
always used to say about the young and technology - 'this is the world, this is
the future.'"
Demands for an international tribunal into the
assassination of Hariri persist
'A year has passed and we can still feel the sadness'
By Leila Hatoum -Daily Star staff
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BEIRUT: There will be no backing down from the demand for an international
tribunal to try the assassins of former Premier Rafik Hariri, according to the
organizers of the first commemoration of his assassination at the Unesco Palace
late Monday.
Some 20 people died on the morning of February 14, 2005 when some 1,000
kilograms of explosives blew up the convoy of the former premier who was heading
to his house after attending a parliamentary session.
Future bloc MP Atef Majdalani delivered a speech by Yasma Fuleihan, the widow of
former Minister Basel Fuleihan who was with Hariri, and died 64 days later from
severe burns due to the explosion.
In her speech, Fuleihan, who apologized for not attending the commemoration due
to personal reasons, said "knowing the truth behind the horrid crime is a
persistent national cause."
"A year has passed since the crime of the century and we can still hear the
explosion, and feel the sadness as if it were yesterday," said Munir Hafi of
Future television station owned by Hariri.
"The statesman was taken from us but he remains in our hearts," Hafi said,
adding that "the one who has children is never dead," referring to Hariri's son
MP Saad Hariri; and at the same time replying to what the pro-Syrian former
Interior Minister Suleiman Franjieh said last year when criticizing Saad Hariri.
At a time when the conflict between the pro-Syrian powers and the March 14
supporters was at its peak, Franjieh said that the former premier died because
he had a son like Saad Hariri.
Also during the commemoration, lawyer Nada Abu Samra demanded, on behalf of the
martyrs' families, that the Lebanese government compensates them.
"The state's restraint in compensating the families which lost their providers
is as if it is telling them that it doesn't care if they live or die," she said.
Hariri message informs Sfeir rally will unite Lebanese in defense of freedom
By Maroun Khoury -Daily Star correspondent
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BKIRKI: Former MP Ghattas Khoury visited Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Butros
Sfeir early Monday carrying a message from MP Saad Hariri, who arrived in
Lebanon Sunday to commemorate the first year since the assassination of his
father, former Premier Rafik Hariri.
Speaking from Bkirki, Khoury said he delivered a verbal message from Hariri in
which the Beirut MP wished to inform the prelate that on the occasion of
February 14 all the Lebanese will unite in defense of the freedom, independence
and sovereignty of Lebanon.
Khoury said despite the attempts to create division in the country and stir up
strife between the Christians and the Muslims, the Lebanese will reply tomorrow
when they rally to free the remaining occupied territories and march toward
prosperity and democracy.
Khoury condemned attempts to turn back the hands of time but said that "the
Lebanese have a progressive will to move forward and this determination will
prevail."
Asked whether the Future Movement led by Hariri would support MP Michel Aoun as
a presidential candidate, Khoury indicated "the identity of the president is not
as important as his program and the modality he will propose to resuscitate the
country."
Khoury said the new president should be able to settle critical questions such
as the Lebanese-Syrian relations, the international probe, the international
court and how to deal with international resolutions.
He stressed that the dialogue paper inked between Aoun and Hizbullah's Secretary
General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah holds several vague points, including the
parties' stands regarding the Taif Accord, the international probe and the arms
of the resistance. "Consequently, the paper cannot be approved."
Asked about Hariri's contacts, Khoury said the Future Movement is open to all
political forces and all Lebanese forces are welcome to take part under Hariri's
slogan "Lebanon First."
Regarding Sfeir's opinion in the issue, Khoury indicated the prelate is open to
all slogans that would achieve national unity.
Commenting on Tuesday's rally and the possibility of intruders infiltrating it,
Khoury said: "It is not in my authority to answer the question."
Palestinian murder suspects in custody
By Mohammed Zaatari -Daily Star staff
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
BEIRUT: The Palestinian Follow-Up Committee in the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp
handed two Palestinians accused of killing a Syrian to the Lebanese Military
Intelligence in Sidon on Monday.
Mahmoud A. and Mohammad S. were turned in under the framework of reinforcing
Lebanese-Palestinian cooperation. Earlier, the committee had held an urgent
meeting in the camp, and following long discussions, they decided to
"immediately hand in the two Palestinians to the Lebanese security authorities."
A fight had broken out between Mohammad Sheikh, 20, a Syrian, and the two
Palestinians near the Khalid bin Walid Mosque located inside the refugee camp.
The fight escalated and Mahmoud A. pulled a knife and stabbed Sheikh in his
heart. He died immediately and was taken to Hamshari Hospital in Sidon.
The committee also discussed the arrests of Fadi and Abdel-Nasser Duwali, from
Jund al-Sham, and Hussein Hamaidi, a Palestinian, who had opened fire on each
other on Friday in Taamir area, wounding nine-year-old Nasr Sidani in his
stomach and his uncle Khoder in his hand. Sidani was in critical condition and
underwent two operations at the Hammoud Governmental Hospital in Sidon.
It was reported that Hussein Hamaidi, who was arrested at the committee's
headquarters, swallowed two razor blades in an attempt to be hospitalized and
then escape from there. The Palestinian Kifah (police within the camps) treated
his wounds
Palestinian sources said "the committee seriously intends to turn him in to
Lebanese security officials in a bid to control the security situation in Taamir
and the camp."
Contacts are also being made with the Palestinian forces to provide political
cover for this step.
Isbat al-Ansar goes public
By Mohammed Zaatari -Daily Star staff
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
SOUTH LEBANON: The Islamic group Isbat al-Ansar went public Monday to reply to a
series of accusations, claiming that it has no involvement with recent security
incidents in Sidon and Ramlet al-Baida in Beirut. Isbat al-Ansar said it has a
clearly defined policy on the U.S.-Zionist project and no reason to carry out
the attacks.
In a clarifying statement, they also denied any connection to a boat laden with
weapons detained in North Lebanon, explaining "the boat and those on board were
not members of Isbat al-Ansar but were residents of Al-Bared, transporting
drugs, tobacco and weapons."
"They have connections to some ministers in the Lebanese government," the group
added.
Isbat al-Ansar said it was proud to have put a stop to attacks in the Taamir
area, near Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp in Sidon, and is ready to cooperate with
those seeking to serve the country's and people's interests.
The group also slammed newspaper reports claiming they were involved in
vandalism.
They called for greater accuracy in the media and urged Muslims to calm down and
act reasonably.
Hizbullah must accept a national dialogue over its arms
By Haytham Mouzahem -Commentary by
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad traveled to Syria last month and met there
with Syrian President Bashar Assad, but also Hizbullah Secretary General Hassan
Nasrallah and leaders of Palestinian militant groups. The visit prompted
questions as to whether Tehran and Damascus were consolidating a strategic
alliance and extending it to include their allies in Lebanon and Palestine
against a hostile American-Israeli axis.
Iran is collecting bargaining chips in Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine to challenge
Western threats against its nuclear program, which has since been reported to
the United Nations Security Council. Syria, in turn, is trying to break out of
its isolation and gather cards of its own to face possible UN retaliation for
its limited cooperation with the investigation into the killing of Lebanon's
former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
According to a Palestinian source, Ahmadinejad pledged support to Palestinian
groups during his meetings with their leaders in Damascus, in which the sides
"discussed the issue of pressure against Syria, Iran and Lebanon, and confirmed
the need to form a front that groups all the forces that opposes the
Zionist-American schemes in the region."
Although Assad and Ahmadinejad stated that they backed the rights of
Palestinians and Lebanese to resist occupation, the Iranians wanted, in their
joint final statement, to affirm support for stability and peace in Lebanon, for
the political process in Iraq, and to denounce terrorism against Iraqi
civilians. Following the meeting between Ahmadinejad and the speaker of the
Lebanese Parliament, Nabih Berri, the Amal movement released a statement where
the two men agreed to "the necessity of preserving Lebanon's independence,
sovereignty and its resistance." This was an attempt by Berri to distinguish
himself from Syria.
However, Ahmadinejad's visit to Damascus and the Iranian-Syrian-Hizbullah
relationship will reinforce the party's intransigence on its disarmament. Some
observers believe this will erode Hizbullah's standing in Lebanon, since many
Lebanese political figures, particularly the Druze leader Walid Jumblatt, have
criticized the Shiite party for supporting the Syrian and Iranian regimes.
Jumblatt and others believe that Lebanon could soon become a battlefield in the
war over Iranian nuclear power, and they fear Hizbullah is using its missile
arsenal in South Lebanon as a means of deterring Israeli threats against Iranian
nuclear facilities.
It is no secret that Syria, before its withdrawal from Lebanon, had considerable
influence over Hizbullah's military actions in the Shebaa Farms area and along
the so-called "blue line" - the United Nations-endorsed boundary between Israel
and Lebanon. Some argue that the Assad regime also seeks to intimidate Israel
via Hizbullah's weapons, and could resort to the party if the U.S. attempts to
change the Syrian regime by force.
Many Lebanese do not understand the reasons for the strong alliance between the
Islamist Hizbullah and the secular Syrian Baath regime. However, the
continuation of the resistance in the Shebaa Farms not only aims to liberate
occupied Lebanese land and release Lebanese prisoners in Israeli jails, but also
to maintain the unity of the Lebanese and Syrian negotiation and conflict tracks
with Israel. Furthermore, the Israeli occupation of the Shebaa Farms gives
Hizbullah justification for its armed militancy, allowing it to keep its weapons
and support Palestinian groups.
Nowadays, Iran and Hizbullah are both willing to protect the Assad regime, not
because the Alawites are somehow regarded as fellow Shiites, as some have
argued, but because they need Syria in their battle against the U.S. and Israel,
due to Syria's strategic geopolitical location and its central role in the
Arab-Israeli conflict, as well as in Iraq and Lebanon. At the same time, Iran
and the Shiites of Lebanon and Iraq seriously worry that regime change in Syria
might lead to the emergence there of a radical Sunni state that could weaken the
Shiite position in Lebanon and support the Sunni insurgency in Iraq; maybe even
become a sanctuary for Al-Qaeda terrorists who would seek to undermine stability
in Lebanon and Iraq. That the Sunni extremist Jund al-Sham group threatened
Shiite leaders in Lebanon last year was a foreshadowing of such a possibility.
Some would argue that Syria's Alawite Baath regime is already playing the role
of exporting terror to Iraq and Lebanon. However, the counterargument could be
that this has served political ends, and has been limited and well-controlled.
The Salafist terrorism of Al-Qaeda and similar groups would be far less
discerning, and based on sectarian hatred for Shiites as well as all other
religions.
That said, Hizbullah needs to review its priorities and bring its objectives in
line with Lebanese interests, including enhancing national unity and stability
and peace in Lebanon. That means starting a dialogue over its arms with other
parties, in order to reach a national consensus around its resistance goals and
the purposes for its military arsenal.
***Haytham Mouzahem is a Lebanese analyst specializing in Middle Eastern and
Islamic affairs. He wrote this commentary for THE DAILY STAR.
Yemeni journalists face death warrants of apostasy
By Joseph Krauss -Daily Star
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
For 27-year-old Nabil Subaye, an independent freelance journalist, the last six
months have been rough. Since writing a series of articles last summer accusing
Yemen's longtime President Ali Abdullah Saleh of grooming his son for
succession, he has been taken to court for "insulting the president and harming
national interests" and accused by government-linked publications of being a
foreign agent, a homosexual and an apostate. In November last year he was
ambushed, beaten, and stabbed by two masked men armed with jambiyat, Yemen's
ubiquitous curved daggers. The identity of the culprits remains unknown: the
Interior Ministry says they were mere criminals, but Subaye, who had made
enemies in high places and received threatening phone calls for weeks in
advance, suspects government agents.
And he's not alone. "Over the last several months, a growing number of Yemeni
journalists have been the victims of brutal assaults, arrests, intimidation, and
government-sanctioned newspaper closures," the Committee to Protect Journalists
announced in a press release issued on January 26, after sending a special
delegation to Sanaa. "Journalists who covered protests, reported on official
corruption, criticized the president or government policies, or discussed the
possibility of President Saleh's son succeeding him as president have been
targeted."
In late August Jamal Amer, editor of the weekly newspaper Al-Wasat, was
abducted, threatened, and beaten by four men driving a truck with military
license plates. Two months later two cameramen, one working for the Al-Arabiyya
satellite network, were beaten and arrested by uniformed police after trying to
film a protest outside a textile mill.
Yemeni journalists claim press freedoms hit an all time low last year, with one
prominent editor calling 2005 the worst year for press freedoms in the country's
history. In an attempt to respond to the growing tide of criticism, the
government has proposed a new press law. However, the measure has so far won
little if any support among members of the Journalists Syndicate, who mostly
view it as a step backward.
Besides targeting journalists with the standard tools of state repression,
Saleh's regime, which was quick to join the U.S. "war on terrorism" in 2001, has
been employing the controversial practice of takfir, the Islamic equivalent of
excommunication, to intimidate its critics. In conservative Yemen the accusation
of apostasy is a virtual death warrant, not only because it is on the books as a
capital offense, but because it invites retribution from radical Muslims.
Although the government itself lacks the kind of religious authority necessary
to make its own takfir stick, its large presence in the media market ensures
that its claims resonate throughout the country. It can also amplify the more
reliable takfir of others, a tactic it employed last fall, when an internal
dispute broke out between two members of the Islamist Islah (Reform) Party, the
country's largest opposition group.
The conflict erupted when Nabil al-Sofee, editor in chief of News Yemen, an
independent Web site, published an article on the legal troubles of Abdul Majid
al-Zindani, a radical sheikh accused by the U.S. State Department and the
Security Council of aiding Al-Qaeda. The Yemeni government, which to date has
refused to take any action against Zindani, was due to discuss the matter in
Washington during an upcoming presidential visit.
The article's publication was immediately met with a blistering press release
from the office of Zindani, which accused Sofee of "lacking journalistic ethics"
and of "spreading baseless accusations." After thanking the rest of the Yemeni
media for "standing on the side of truth and fulfilling their religious and
national obligations in defending a brother," the press release closed by saying
that "surely the accusations of the Americans ... depend on [News Yemen's]
journalistic lies."
In the political and religious climate in which it was issued, the sheikh's
message was clear: Sofee had betrayed a fellow Muslim to an unjust outside
power; he was at best a traitor and at worst an apostate.
The pressure on Sofee intensified as the government proceeded to publish the
press release on the front pages of its four daily newspapers, nearly a week
before the opposition party weeklies came out. "I went back and forth with
Zindani over this, and in fact most of my party sided with me," Sofee said in a
recent interview, "but the government papers only published his attacks."
According to Stacey Philbrick Yadav, a doctoral candidate at the University of
Pennsylvania currently writing a dissertation on Islamism in Yemeni politics,
the government's propagation of takfir is part of a two-pronged strategy to
silence critics. "The originators of the statements are very often members of
the Islah party," Yadav explained, so "this feeds into the criticisms of the
extremism of the Islamist parties. To secular or more leftist critics the
government can point the finger at Islah while at the same time they can
discredit people using that language."
Yet the stakes are high. Everyone in Yemen knows the story of Jarallah Omar, a
prominent liberal politician who was assassinated by an extremist at an Islah
conference in 2002 following a long personal campaign against him, both from
radical elements within the Islah Party and the government itself. The killer,
coincidentally, was a former student at Iman University in Sanaa, an institution
founded and headed by Zindani.
Although the killing served as a wake-up call to the problem of using takfir in
the press, it also insured that politicians and journalists alike would never
again take such accusations lightly. "Jarallah's assassination could not have
occurred outside of the context of takfir," Yadav says. "Government and
non-governmental use of takfir creates an environment permissive to violence."
Many journalists expected the international community, particularly the United
States, to show a greater interest in their plight. "We expected that America
would act faster, that it would intervene in a bigger way on our behalf," Subaye
said in a recent interview. "Here in Yemen it seems like they are only
interested in fighting terrorism, not in defending liberal values."
That's regrettable, because it appears the Yemeni government is interested in
neither.
***Joseph Krauss is a freelance journalist based in Cairo. He wrote this
commentary for THE DAILY STAR.
Islamophobia: A second Holocaust in the making
By Bouthaina Shaaban -Daily Star
Tuesday, February 14, 2006
First Person Dr. Bouthaina Shaaban
As German leaders traditionally do on visits to Israel, Chancellor Angela Merkel
recently visited Yad Vashem, Israel's memorial to the Holocaust. There she
termed the Holocaust "a source of deep shame" for Germany, and spoke of Israel's
existence as a pillar of German politics.
Germany, once again, apologizes for the Holocaust and is willing to do what it
takes to redeem itself - even if it was financing a second Holocaust against the
Palestinian people; a typical manifestation of the European guilt-ridden
political conscience. And typically, we, Arabs and Muslims are to pay the price.
It seems like a new crusade has started against Arabs and Muslims in the wake of
September 11, 2001, led by neo-European Nazism. The victims are no longer the
Jews, but Muslims spread over Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, Pakistan, and
anywhere around the globe.
The wars, bombings and secret prisons where suspect Muslims are tortured and
killed are but few aspects of the "crusade" U.S. President George W. Bush
launched. Was it not for so much contradictory evidences, we could have passed
it for another of his many misfortunate slips of the tongue.
Along a number of unjustified wars, sanctions and pressure policies against Arab
and Muslim countries, intensive media campaigns rally to deform the face of
Muslims and Islam. Even as citizens of Western democracies, Muslims find
themselves subject to legal and political acts of hatred and harassment.
Some of the European official policies against Muslims in Europe, such as
deportation and deprivation of citizenship, have made some Jewish leaders warn
that they are "the same taken against Jews in 1930s."
The French Historian Gerard Nueril reminds us that both Hitler and Mussolini
deprived Jews of citizenship, and he warns that "the procedures taken against
Muslims in France today strongly remind us of how France treated the Jews in the
thirties of last century."
Denmark has become the country heading the spear of hatred against Islam and
Muslims. In the 1990s, the Danish Popular Party considered Muslims in Denmark a
growing segment of the population - a "troubling problem." After September 11,
other Danish parties started sharing the same concern, and talking against
"Muslims in Denmark" became a tool in election campaigns. The media started
focusing on emigrant problems and accused Muslims of "violence" and "extremism."
Even the Queen herself joined the choir and expressed worry over the problems
that her "Muslim" subjects represented.
A Danish Popular Party candidate in Copenhagen, Luis Ferivrette, described
Danish Muslims as "cancerous disease in the Danish society."
The party's spokesperson, Martin Henriksen, said that "Islam, since its
beginning, has been a terrorist movement," and he warned against allowing Danish
Muslims candidacy to the Parliament or city councils. Henriksen describes Danish
Muslim converts as "moral criminals" and takes pride in the fact that
"criticizing Islam is the official policy of [his] party."
Within this context, the cartoon contest organized by Yandposten came as a
natural result.
Facts show that Europe is launching a new Holocaust against Muslims around the
world. What is happening to Muslims in Europe today is almost identical with
what the Jews suffered at the beginning of the century. Muslims in Western
countries find themselves obliged to change their names and suppress their
religious identity to avoid a racist witch-hunt against them.
"Freedom of the press" and "freedom of expression" do not permit violating or
ridiculing other people's sanctities. Otherwise, no European country would have
banned the mere discussion of the Jewish Holocaust.
The Prophet Mohammad, peace be upon him, brought to humanity a message of peace,
mercy and tolerance. The Muslim civilization that ensued from Mecca set the
foundation for today's scientific and social development. What did those who
dared insult him bring to humanity in comparison? They only brought hatred and
anger and intolerance. Their actions, like those of Nazi Germany, should only be
"a source of deep shame," as Merkel put it.
However, unlike the descendents of the culprits of the Holocaust, their
conscience is not guilt-ridden yet with this new crime against humanity. When
such guilt will start rectifying Western politics toward Muslims is a
disquieting question.
Nazis accused Jews of violence and terrorism. They launched media wars of hatred
against their faith and sanctities. The result was the Holocaust; one of the
ugliest crimes against humanity. As Europe has recently passed a law that
forbids doubting the Holocaust, today it should pass another law that bans
racist insults against Muslims and Islam. It is more prudent to prevent the
making of a new Holocaust, than to wait for more European apologies to Jews and
Muslims alike.
***Dr. Bouthaina Shaaban is the Syrian expatriates minister.
France extends travel warning to nine Muslim
countries
Egypt calls for dialogue with west to avert 'clash of civilizations' over
cartoons
Compiled by Daily Star staff -Tuesday, February 14, 2006
A French travel warning issued following the outbreak of Muslim protests over
published cartoons of the Prophet Mohammad has been extended to cover nine
countries in the Middle East and Asia, while Egypt has called for a dialogue
between the West and Muslim countries to avert "a clash of civilizations" over
the worldwide controversy.
According to an advice bulletin on the French Foreign Ministry Web site updated
over the weekend, French nationals are advised to be "extremely vigilant" if
traveling to Afghanistan, Egypt, Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.
Lebanon, Syria and the Palestinian territories were already covered by the
warning, which advises against all travel to Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia, both
the scene of recent protests targeting European nations.
In a call for dialogue, Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Abu al-Gheit said during
the opening of a conference on security in the Middle East co-sponsored with
Nato that "we are witnessing the early signs of a campaign and a clash between
the West and Islam.
"It is therefore important and necessary that whoever believes in dialogue,
peace, understanding and peaceful coexistence takes steps to contain the
situation."
Meanwhile, EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana expressed Europe's respect for
Islam on Monday during a tour of the Middle East.
In "the European Union we feel a profound respect yesterday, today and tomorrow
and we never had wanted in any case to offend their feelings," Solana said,
following a meeting in Jeddah with the Organization of the Islamic Conference's
Secretary General Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu.
But Ihsanoglu called upon the EU Parliament to pass legislation to combat what
he termed as "Islamophobia."
"Unfortunately, what is going on now ... people in the Muslim world are starting
to feel this is a new September 11 against them," he said, invoking the attacks
on the United States in 2001.
Solana is in Saudi Arabia on the first stop in a five-country Middle East trip
that is mainly aimed at repairing ties strained by the row over the caricatures
of the Prophet Mohammad.
The four-day tour will also take him to Egypt, Jordan, the Palestinian
territories and Israel.
In continued protest in Egypt, thousands of Al-Azhar University students
demonstrated at their campuses in Cairo and the southern city of Assiut,
denouncing the caricatures and warning that those who published the drawings
"have opened the gates of hell on themselves."
Anti-riot police stood at the gates of the two universities but did not
interfere.
In Cairo, about 1,500 male students sang religious songs and chanted slogans in
defense of Islam in a three-hour protest in which they also called for boycotts
of the European countries whose newspapers published the drawings.
"Revolution everywhere! We are not going to be silent or asleep!" they chanted.
"Boycott is our duty because they insulted and humiliated our prophet!"
At the end of the protest, two students in traditional white robes and red
turbans burned the Danish flag.
About 3,500 students at Al-Azhar's branch in Assiut, 320 kilometers south of
Cairo, gathered to protest, chanting the same slogans as their fellow students
in Cairo.
Demonstrations were also held in the West Bank city of Hebron by hundreds of
Palestinian students.
The demonstrators marched through the streets of the city before assembling
outside the offices of the International Committee for the Red Cross.
"Death to Jews and Denmark," they chanted, while some protestors paraded a mock
coffin draped with a Danish flag.
In the latest developments in the country where the controversy first began, a
senior member of Denmark's Muslim community urged followers to "move on" after
holding crisis talks with Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen.
"The majority of Muslims may feel offended by the cartoons as they link Islam
with terrorism, but let's take it easy and move on now," said Naser Khader, a
member of Parliament and founder of a new group called Democratic Muslims.
Khader said a few fundamentalist clerics had set the agenda on behalf of all
Danish Muslims and said his network of around 700 members was more broadly
representative.
Back in the Middle East, judicial sources said Jordan's prosecutor released on
bail two editors charged with blasphemy for republishing the cartoons.
They said Jihad Momani and Hashem Khalidi of the weekly tabloids Shihan and Al-Mihwar
were released on $705 bail on Sunday by Judge Sabri Rawashdeh, who had
previously turned down two requests.
Their trial is expected later this week, a court source said.
The Muslim world has been outraged by the drawings, first published in a Danish
paper last September, then reprinted in European papers in recent weeks in the
name of press freedom. - Agencies
Journalist charged after advocating dialogue
12 Feb 2006 19:49:41 GMT
Source: IRIN
Background CRISIS PROFILE: Afghanistan still the ‘sick man’ of Asia
DAMASCUS, 12 February (IRIN) - Following violent protests last week in the
capital, Damascus, against negative depictions of the prophet Mohamed in a
Danish newspaper, charges have been filed against a journalist who called for
peaceful dialogue to settle the issue. Following his arrest on 7 February,
journalist Adel Mahfouz has been charged with insulting public religious
sentiment, an offence under Syrian criminal law. He could face up to three years
in prison if found guilty.
Mahfouz, a known opposition figure, regularly publishes articles for online
journal Rezgar, run by the Iraqi communist party.
The arrest took place hours after the publication of an article stating that
violent protests against the cartoons served to enforce the mistaken perception
that violence and Islam were linked.
Since October, angry – and often violent – protests against the offensive
drawings have caused Denmark to temporarily close its embassies in Indonesia,
Iran and Syria. In Afghanistan, four people have died in riots, while the Danish
and Norwegian embassies in Tehran, Beirut and Damascus were attacked.
According to Syrian opposition figures, the arrest of Mahfouz comes within the
context of a government strategy aimed at convincing western countries that
pressure on Syria will lead to a rise of radical Islam.
"They want the radical voice to be heard loudly, so that they can crush the
democratic opposition without interference from the west," said Anwar al-Bunni,
a Syrian human rights lawyer. "They want the west to think that, if the regime
falls, the Islamists will take over."
Analyst Joshua Landis, editor of the Syriacomment website, agreed: "The Danish
cartoon imbroglio can be harnessed by the government."
An eyewitness at a protest in Damascus reported that "men with hand-held radios
were directing the rioters" and instructing the crowds to march to the
embassies.
This month has also seen a general crack-down on dissidents.
Ten days ago, two students were detained in Damascus for setting up a discussion
group, while an interpreter, Abdul Mughith Habab, was due in court this week on
charges of insulting President Bashar al-Assad. Habab was arrested a month ago
after speaking with journalists about Syria's high security courts.
Critics allege that the courts, which operate under Syria's 43 year-old
emergency laws, have often been used for the arbitrary detention and conviction
of opposition figures.
Local and international human rights groups, meanwhile, are calling for the
immediate release of 50 year-old Mahfouz.
"We're urging that he be released, unless he is to be charged with a
recognisable criminal offence," said Rachel Campbel, Middle East researcher at
the London offices of rights watchdog Amnesty International.
IRIN news
Hariri son tries to revive Lebanon anti-Syria protest
By Tim Butcher, Middle East Correspondent
(Filed: 13/02/2006) The son of Rafik Hariri, the murdered former prime minister
of Lebanon, appealed yesterday for a huge turnout on the first anniversary of
his father's death - an event that changed the political landscape of the entire
Levant.
Saad Hariri has returned to Beirut from six months of self-exile to try to unite
the Lebanese as they mark the Valentine's Day bombing. "Participation is an
important national duty," said Mr Hariri, a member of parliament who heads an
anti-Syrian coalition.Saad Hariri tries to rekindle a spirit of unity in Beirut
When Syria, Lebanon's long-term overlord, was implicated in the bombing, mass
mourning in Beirut turned into unprecedented protest rallies against Damascus.
The country's population coalesced briefly into a unified anti-Syria movement,
hailed by the West as proof that repressive Middle East regimes can be held to
account.
Mr Hariri is hoping to kindle the same spirit of unity and protest when marchers
gather tomorrow at his father's grave in Martyrs' Square in Beirut. Under
diplomatic pressure that was energised by the protests, the regime of Syria's
President Bashar al-Assad pulled its troops out of Lebanon, dismantled much of
its spy machinery and suffered the ignominy of senior members facing United
Nations interrogation.
But while this has undoubtedly weakened the Assad regime, it remains in power
and continues to defy the international community. Some of the Arab world's most
violent protests against the Danish cartoons of Mohammed were in Damascus and
Beirut, with the apparent connivance of the Syrian government. And this weekend
Walid al-Moallem, a senior Syrian official who was criticised for lying to the
UN inquiry into the Valentine's Day bombing, was promoted to the position of
foreign minister by President Assad. For the many Lebanese who distrust Syria,
there remains a strong sense of resentment that those who were behind the
bombing have got away with it. Four Lebanese officers remain on remand in jail
but no Syrians have been charged, let alone convicted.
Months of detailed investigation by Lebanese experts, helped by a well-staffed
UN team, has so far failed to find conclusive evidence of Syrian involvement, Mr
Hariri stayed abroad fearing for his life after attacks on anti-Syrian figures
in Lebanon. He said a wave of "terrorist acts" against anti-Syrian forces was
designed to weaken Lebanon. "They are giving Lebanon two alternatives: chaos, or
a return to the security regime, a regime of tutelage and domination."
The initial inquiry by Lebanese police into what happened at 12.56pm last Feb 14
was hopelessly inadequate.
What was clear was that a huge blast killed Mr Hariri and several bodyguards as
his convoy of armoured cars swept past the St George hotel. But the Lebanese
security services could not work out if it was a car bomb or a device planted
underneath the road. And they had no clues whether it was the work of a suicide
bomber or a remote detonation.
The incompetence of the Lebanese security authorities, who allowed a bulldozer
to clear away crucial evidence just hours after the blast, convinced many that
the whole affair had been organised by Damascus. It was only after Syrian
soldiers and spies left Lebanon last summer that progress was made with the
inquiry supported by international experts, including a British diving team, who
found evidence in a local marina.
From the Mediterranean seabed they recovered parts of an engine from the truck
that carried the 2,200lb of explosives detonated in the blast. Japanese forensic
investigators were able to trace the vehicle to Syria where it was last seen
being driven by a Syrian colonel across the border into Lebanon three weeks
before the blast. But while the inquiry has been able to fill in some of these
details, it has not found enough evidence to pin the crime on individual members
of the Syrian regime.
13 January 2006: Assad refuses to answer UN's questions on Lebanon murder
17 February 2005: Lebanon unites in show of grief and anger at Hariri's funeral
15 February 2005: Syria accused of killing Lebanon's ex-leader
Previous story: '10,000 would die' in A-plant attack on Iran
Next story: Russian motorists enraged by elite's flashing blue lights
'Cedar Revolution' slow to take root
There is a feeling in Beirut that much still needs to be done to free Lebanon
from foreign domination,
MARK MACKINNON -Gole & Mail 13.2.06
BEIRUT -- One year after the massive bomb blast that killed Lebanon's former
prime minister Rafiq Hariri and triggered this country's so-called Cedar
Revolution, the signs are discouraging.
One of those signs is a billboard that dominates a major intersection in Beirut,
featuring a larger-than-life picture of the slain Mr. Hariri against a black
background and a simple demand for "The Truth." It has an electronic ticker in
the corner that today will turn to 365, signifying the number of days that have
gone by without an answer to the question of who killed the popular politician
who was widely admired for his role in rebuilding the country after its 15-year
civil war.
When the sign hits 366 tomorrow, it will mark the beginning of the second year
of the dangerous political crisis that was kick-started by the audacious
Valentine's Day assassination.
The other sign that reflects the country's mood of suspended animation is a
red-and-white banner that hangs over the capital's central Place des Martyrs,
where hundreds of thousands of Lebanese gathered last year for a succession of
demonstrations demanding an end to foreign -- primarily Syrian -- interference
in the country's affairs. The banner that flew over those enthusiastic rallies
12 months ago read "Independence 05."
This year, ahead of a mass rally scheduled to mark tomorrow's anniversary, the
banner is the same design, but the slogan has been changed to "Freedom 06,"
reflecting the widespread feeling here that the process of liberating Lebanon
from foreign domination is, at best, half-done.
The bombing that killed Mr. Hariri and 20 others unquestionably transformed
Lebanon. The mass public protests eventually forced Syria to withdraw its
military forces after a 29-year stay, and subsequent elections brought in a
government that is dominated by political allies of the late politician. The
uprising also featured an unprecedented coming together of the country's
Christian and Muslim communities, briefly bridging a divide that lingered long
after the country's 1975-1990 civil war came to an end.
But a year on, "the truth" that so many Lebanese came together to demand is
still not fully known. A United Nations investigation into the assassination has
revealed strong but, thus far, inconclusive evidence that Syrian President
Bashar Assad's regime was involved in the plot.
A string of assassination attempts in recent months has left several of the
country's top political and media figures dead or wounded, and left intact the
climate of fear that many hoped would disappear with the departure of the Syrian
army.
Worried for their lives, many of Lebanon's political elite have either left the
country, or spend most of their time sealed inside fortified compounds. Mr.
Hariri's son, Saad, who inherited much of his father's political machine,
effectively heads the Lebanese parliament from exile in Paris, where he fled
amid fears that he too could be a target.
The 36-year-old returned to Beirut yesterday for the first time in months, and
told a news conference that Lebanon's progress was still being hindered by
foreign interference. Everybody knew exactly what he meant.
"Syria left, its soldiers left, but Syria left behind people who work for it,"
said May Chidiac, a well-known anchorwoman on the leading LBC television network
who was maimed in a September car bombing that was an apparent attempt on her
life.
She blames Syria for the attack, and is now contemplating a run at a vacant
parliamentary seat, a gesture she hopes will dramatize Lebanon's desire to rid
itself of Syrian influence.
"It's a mission that's unfinished. Syria is trying to block the resurrection of
Lebanon," she said in a telephone interview from Paris, where she's undergoing
treatment for her injuries. She sees her physical condition -- she lost her left
arm and leg in the blast -- as symbolic of what Lebanon has gone through in the
past year.
While Ms. Chidiac's determination to re-enter public life is an optimistic note,
many Lebanese are frustrated not only with Damascus, but with their own
politicians who have abandoned the spirit of unity that marked last year's
uprising and have returned to politics-as-usual, splitting once more along
sectarian and confessional lines.
The resulting political paralysis has allowed the deeply unpopular, and
pro-Syrian president, Emile Lahoud, to remain in office. Despite widespread
calls for his ouster, rifts in the ranks of the anti-Syrian movement have left
Mr. Lahoud's opponents unable to decide on who to pick as his replacement.
Similarly, a growing polarization between the country's Sunni Muslims -- led by
Saad Hariri -- and its Shiites has deepened the rift over whether the Shiite
militant group Hezbollah should be allowed to keep its weapons. In defiance of
UN resolutions, the anti-Israel militia retains its weapons and remains in
effective control of the south of the country.
Some observers say the shifting alliances and the assassination attempts are
symptoms of the fact that Lebanon -- a tiny, diverse country of six million
people -- has again become an ideological battleground where foreign powers use
local actors as pawns in their struggle for influence. The United States, France
and Saudi Arabia are seen as backing the new government and Mr. Hariri's son
against Syria and Iran, who have for years supported Hezbollah and other forces
opposed to Lebanon's increasing Westernization.
"Some sides would not like to see Lebanon be the minaret lighting the way for
Arab people," said Farid Chedid, a political analyst and the editor of http://www.lebanonwire.com.
He said Lebanon's free press and liberalized economy are seen as threatening in
Damascus and Tehran. "Maybe seeing a journalist falling is good for these
people. They are translating their desires into fire."
Despite the setbacks, many expect a massive throng to again converge on Place
des Martyrs tomorrow to mark Mr. Hariri's death, to once more press their call
for the truth about the murder and an end to Syrian meddling in the country.
As was the case last year, it will be the country's frustrated youth who will
make up the bulk of the crowd. "I don't belong to a specific sect, I belong to
the Lebanese youth," said Lynn Abdouni, an 18-year-old graphic-design student at
the American University in Beirut, who said she planned to be on Place des
Martyrs tomorrow. "I don't think any of the youth want these strange divisions
any more. I think this generation will make a change, and the next generation
even more."
Don’t Attack the Messenger
February 13th, 2006
“Don’t attack the Messenger!” is a phrase shouted by enraged Muslims defending
the iconoclastic tradition within Islam prohibiting artistic renderings of
Mohammed. However, it also might be the response attributed to beleaguered
European editors accused of provoking riots after publishing caricatures of
Mohammed.
What began as a liberal challenge to resist intimidation for criticizing Islam
has became the Islamists’ vehicle for challenging Western liberal democracy. Dr.
Walid Phares, Fellow of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies,
interprets the protests as the beginning of an anti-European intifada noting
that,
“the Islamists want to draw the limits of world freedoms and the Western
liberals reject that limitation.”
Far from being a spontaneous eruption by aggrieved masses, victims of European
imperialistic and racist attitudes, the conflict was carefully calculated from
the beginning. What began as the Danish Islamists desire to engender support for
their grievances to Islamic governments was skillfully manipulated by others to
intensify the uprising.
Lebanese Druze leader, Walid Jumblatt, accused Syrian security officers in
civilian clothes of initiating the burning of the Danish embassy in Beirut. In
Gaza, professionally printed placards and a myriad of Danish flags were produced
ready for burning. Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, provided his
religious imprimatur to violent demonstrations against Denmark’s embassy in
Tehran, calling their actions “justified and even holy.” King Abdullah II of the
moderate Muslim state of Jordan reminded the American press after meeting with
President Bush in the Oval office that
“anything that vilifies the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, or attacks
Muslim sensibilities, needs to be condemned.”
This is a campaign, not a reaction. For the radical Islamists the objectives
have less to do with securing apologies than it does in creating conflict to
empower their movement for future success in the Islamization of Europe.
The final Communiqué of the Islamic Summit Conference of the Organization of
Islamic Countries (OIC) issued on December 10, 2005 identified the political
goals of the world’s Islamic community to include criminalizing “Islamophobia”
and anything that can be construed as defamation of Islam as racist.
Identifying offenses against Islam inevitably will become burdensome. Even when
they practice “responsible freedom,” European bureaucrats, editors, authors and
artists will never be certain of where the line of Muslim sensibilities is drawn
and when it is crossed. A crucial question for Europeans is why they should be
concerned more with Muslim sensibilities than they are with any other religious
group’s sensibilities.
What is being asked of Western countries by the OIC is to accept, in effect,
shari’a-based blasphemy laws, but only as they apply to Islam. Nowhere in the
OIC communiqué is there a condemnation of the horrific caricatures of Jews and
Christians, nor of the violent attacks against non-Muslims which occur on a
regular basis in Islamic countries. Self-criticism of the bitter fruits of
Islamic law for women and non-Muslims is also absent in the OIC statement.
The riots of the last few weeks will subside. The question will then arise, what
next? After the ashes of the European flags have been washed away, will the EU
members settle into a calm complacency? Perhaps, but Islamists see the future of
Europe as more dynamic.
Dr. Ismail Jalili, chairman of National Association of British Arabs, provides a
clue. Even as he calls the violence unacceptable, he concludes that it is likely
that insensitivity will build resentments in Europe that will inevitably
“explode in an uncontrollable fashion….”
The die is cast. The restraints Islam imposes upon itself through shari’a will
continue to chaff against the seam of traditional Western liberal values.
The real test for Western countries will be to resist the temptation to
legislate a new spate of religious vilification laws. Although designed to
promote tolerance, they are often misused and contribute to greater
inter-religious conflict. By seeking to appease, the proponents of these laws
actually empower the Islamists. Radical Islamists will use vilification laws to
muzzle critical opposition, thereby adding another arrow in their quiver to
confront the West, the fear of prosecution.
Already there are calls for laws to prohibit publishing images of Mohammed. The
British Muslim Action Committee has proposed changes in the Race Relations Act
and the Press Complaints Commission code.
Contrary to popular belief, the word “Islam” does not translate into the word
“peace.” Islam means submission. That is the message Islamists are sending the
West. Submit to Islam. The West must be equally as clear in reply.
No.
The Rev. Dr. Keith Roderick is the Washington representative of Christian
Solidarity International and Secretary General of the Coalition for the Defense
of Human Rights, the largest coalition of ethnic and religious minorities in
Islamic countries.
Keith Roderick
Lebanon to find its unity in mutual forgiveness, says Sfeir
By Youssef Hourany
In the homily delivered during the consecration of four new bishops, the
patriarch offers his “full co-operation to stop the emigration of young people
from the country.”
Beirut (AsiaNews) – According to Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Cardinal Sfeir,
only by means of “prophetic deeds based on forgiveness” and respect for their
institutions can the people of Lebanon find their unity. These conditions are
essential to ensure the country’s future at a time when threats are looming as
last week’s serious incidents showed. These were the central themes in the
homily he delivered during the ceremony in which he consecrated four new
Maronite bishops.
“Don’t forget to be faithful and conscious of the weight of your new vocation,”
was the first thing Cardinal Sfeir told the four new Maronite bishops: Mgr Simon
Attallah, archbishop of Baalbeck-Deir El ahmar; Mgr François Eid, archbishop of
Cairo; Mgr Georges Bou-Jawde, archbishop of Tripoli; and Elias Nassar,
archbishop of Sidon.
Lebanese President Émile Lahoud was present at the ceremony along with many
patriarchs, bishops, priests, religieux and religieuses and more than four
thousands faithful from Maronite dioceses and other Catholic and Orthodox
denominations as well as Muslim spiritual leaders.
For Patriarch Sfeir, President Lahoud’s presence was important as “the
expression of his central place in the Maronite Church.”
The cardinal also emphasised the “need to begin the process of national
reconciliation under the aegis of Lebanon’s many friends”. He insisted that
every Lebanese had a role to play and called on leaders to overcome the wounds
of the past, because only by “prophetic deeds based on forgiveness and respect
for its institutions can Lebanon be saved”.
Addressing the new bishops, who will preside over the dioceses most affected by
emigration, he offered his full co-operation to stop the exodus of young people
“who constitute the human wealth of the Church”.
The patriarch reminded everyone of the country’s current situation and of the
dangers that the recent series of attacks represent. The purpose of last week’s
incidents, which culminated in the torching of St Maron’s Church in the downtown
Beirut. was to fuel a desire for vengeance.
For the prelate, the attack against the place of worship shows the “weakness the
Lebanese government is in defending citizens’ fundamental rights”. political
leaders, he asked, should “provide everyone with overall protection”.
Before delivering the final blessing, the patriarch expressed his strong desire
to see Lebanon “reconciled with itself, based on the fundamental principles that
make it a bridge between West and East”.
http://www.asianews.it/view.php?l=en&art=5370
Rafik Hariri: "Assassinating me is improbable; it is a big decision, one that is
dangerous and costly. They want to keep the country sick. No one has an interest
in killing a sick person . . . and they reject curing him."
Ghassan Charbel Al-Hayat - 13/02/06//
Does a journalist have the right to publish interviews with someone who had
stipulated that they not be published before receiving approval, "because timing
in politics is important"? I asked myself this question a few hours after I
heard that Prime Minister Rafik Hariri had been assassinated. The shock was a
big one and the climate was emotional; I was afraid of enflaming people's
feelings, since some content might not have been desired by the subject of the
interview. I dropped the project. A few days before the first year commemoration
of the earthquake of 14 February 2005, I found myself facing the same question.
However, I decided this time to publish most of what took place in those
interviews in the hope that it will be a salute to the late prime minister and
help readers who are searching for details about the path of an exceptional
person.
Readers have the right to know the story of these discussion sessions, which
were the result of meetings held in Sardinia, Paris, and Beirut over many years.
In 1994, I telephoned Prime Minister Hariri, asking him to participate in a
series of "X remembers," which was being published by al-Wasat magazine. He
hesitated for a while, then agreed. I went to Monte Carlo on 26 December and
spent two days with him. This produced three installments, which were published
in al-Wasat beginning on 27 February 1995. That day, he told me that "I consider
the interview just a beginning, since my political position and responsibilities
prevent me from going into many details." He added, "I promise that we'll have
another session of discussion later."
In the summer of 1999, I resumed contact. Hariri was out of government. He
agreed and I went to Sardinia with a small tape recorder for several sessions on
his yacht, where he resided. At the end of the second day, he spoke frankly to
me: "It's still too early to talk about what's more important. What do you think
about not publishing this now, and we'll spend two days in Faqra later. I'll
stop my calls and free myself to gather memories and you'll discover that I was
present in one way or another in every phase after 1982."
"While awaiting this appointment, you can ask me what you want, whenever we meet
in Lebanon or elsewhere, and you can record my answers, even if we're talking by
phone. My only condition is that you not publish anything before I approve. I
don't want to hurt the media with politics; can you promise me?"
I promised and began to steal a part of the interview every time we met.
Unfortunately, the meetings were few and far between. Hariri returned to office
in 2000. The strange thing was that Hariri would remind me of his promise of a
private session at his mountain residence in Faqra, but when I saw him for the
last time in Qoraytem, two weeks before his assassination, the atmosphere didn't
permit taking advantage of such an opportunity. I felt a good deal of tension in
his voice as if weighing the likely repercussions of a victory by the opposition
in the coming elections.
It's not strange that the personality of Rafik Hariri would intrigue any
journalist following Lebanon's present and asking about its future. When, in the
"X remembers" series, I tried to gather stories of the war and attempts to exit
it, especially in the 1980s, the name Hariri kept coming up, even though in
those days he sought to keep his role away from the spotlight and hide his true
political clout, to avoid provoking hostility. Rafik Hariri left his
fingerprints on every phase, from the abolition of the 17 May Lebanese-Israeli
agreement to the "Tripartite Agreements" among the big militias, and up to the
Geneva and Lausanne conferences, and the period of the two (warring)
governments, followed by the Taif Accord.
The question that occupied me in the 1990s was how Rafik Hariri succeeded in
becoming a "top figure" in a period that one assumes didn't allow for such
people in Lebanon. I asked Hariri this once, and he asked me for the answer.
"Your financial 'strike force' equals the strength of a militia, one which is
bigger than the militias that exist," I said.
"God forbid such a comparison," he answered. "I don't deny that money, if used
well, can give you an opportunity, but let me tell you - with your money you can
buy a big palace you can't use money to buy the affection of a worker in the
palace's garden. There's trust, and follow-up, the ability to give people hope."
He added: "They don't waste any means in destroying my image, they've tried them
all. They told the Shiites that I'd come to reduce their political weight. I
didn't answer. You know Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and Speaker Nabih Berri, why
don't you ask them? They told the Christians that I'd come to Islamize the
country. Why don't you ask the Maronite Patriarch (Nasrallah Butros Sfeir) for
his opinion? Can you believe that I feel sad when I read about the rise in
emigration levels, especially among Christians? More than this - the absence of
Maronites in Lebanon robs it of its distinguishing features, and perhaps of the
justifications for its existence. I mean what I'm saying. This doesn't do away
with my feelings toward some Maronite politicians who don't know the importance
of the role of their sect and its importance in Lebanon's role in the region and
the world. I have no problem with keeping the presidency for a Maronite, if that
reassures them. I have no problem with delaying the abolition of political
sectarianism for decades, because I've realized through experience that none of
the sects is ready to discuss without sectarian considerations."
Hariri dreamed that after rebuilding Beirut, he would rebuild the Lebanese
formula, based on the Taif Accord. Most likely he was waiting for another
president in Baabda, to continue the process of rebuilding. He didn't expect
that he would be on an assassination list, because "this is a big decision, one
that is dangerous and costly."
Al-Hayat: How are you, Prime Minister?
PM Hariri: Excellent.
Al-Hayat: Can you explain?
PM Hariri: (Laughing) Why are you surprised that I'm excellent? Can't a person
be comfortable?
Al-Hayat: No, but I believe that being out of office not enjoyable for a
politician with the weight of Rafik Hariri.
PM Hariri: Not enjoyable for Rafik Hariri or the country?
Al-Hayat: I have questions, not answers.
PM Hariri: If you look at me, don't you feel that I'm comfortable?
Al-Hayat: I think that you're confident.
PM Hariri: The problem of my rivals is that they're afraid of the people and
resorting to them. I accept what the ballot boxes say.
Al-Hayat: What will they say?
PM Hariri: I think people will vote in the country's interest.
Al-Hayat: You seem sure about the results of the Beirut election battle.
PM Hariri: Why are you limiting it to Beirut? There are elections throughout the
country, and I'm involved in all regions.
Al-Hayat: Do you mean you will (contest races) in all parts of Lebanon?
PM Hariri: Not in this way. Certain regions have special characteristics, which
I respect. However, we have friends, or allies. There are people with which we
have things in common.
Al-Hayat: Can I say that you will be the leader of the opposition in the
elections?
PM Hariri: (Laughs) You know that the "opposition" is made up of several
different "oppositions." They won't accept me among the loyalists.
Al-Hayat: Who's they?
PM Hariri: You know them.
Al-Hayat: Will you try to repeat the experience of 2000, i.e. imposing yourself
once again as prime minister?
PM Hariri: As long as this is not being published, except at the suitable
moment, I'll speak frankly. I won't be prime minister during the mandate of
(President Emile) Lahoud.
Al-Hayat: Is this certain, and regardless of the election results?
PM Hariri: This is final, and there's no going back. I'll say it more clearly:
not in Lahoud's mandate or anyone whose presidency resembles his.
Al-Hayat: Like who, for example?
PM Hariri: Anyone who arrives (in office) in the same way, with the same goal,
and the same considerations.
Al-Hayat: This means that you won't be prime minister.
PM Hariri: I don't know if your conclusion is accurate, and for how long a
period of time.
Al-Hayat: Should I understand that shortening Lahoud's mandate is possible if
the opposition takes a majority of seats in Parliament?
PM Hariri: I don't know. President Lahoud's domestic problem is just part of his
problem.
Al-Hayat: Are you referring to UN Security Council Resolution 1559?
PM Hariri: That resolution and other things. If you stay the same in a changing
world, you're making a mistake.
The Resolution and the Fingerprints
Al-Hayat: They talk about your fingerprints being on Resolution 1559.
PM Hariri: There are people who want me to make me responsible for the results
of mistakes that they've made. I ask you, can a politician in the world, from a
small country, get the Security Council and great powers involved in his
country, especially regarding a resolution of this kind? Even the great powers
cannot pass a resolution like this if without a series of conditions, facts,
mistakes, and meetings of interests.
Al-Hayat: It's said that President Jacques Chirac played a big role.
PM Hariri: President Chirac and I have an old, deep friendship, and I've always
benefited from this in order to bring political or material support for Lebanon;
I've also used this friendship to assist Syria, and Syrian officials know this.
I benefited from the relationship with President Chirac to support the Taif
Accrod, and the idea of reconstruction, and the right of the resistance in south
Lebanon. I've done more than this. I've sought to see a French position that
understands Lebanon's special conditions, including the presence of Syrian
forces on its territory. I took part in improving the relationship between Paris
and Damascus. However, everything I've done in this regard has been lost, due to
mistakes. The story of how France and the US have come to meet, or agree, about
the situation in Lebanon, after their dispute over Iraq, is a long one, and
involves several issues.
Al-Hayat: What did you request in return for agreeing to (Lahoud's) extension in
office?
PM Hariri: Nothing, just to (step down as prime minister).
Al-Hayat: And why did you bid farewell to Lebanese with that tragic-sounding
statement the day you left office?
PM Hariri: For the reason that I disclosed to you, meaning my decision that I
would not be prime minister during the presidency of Lahoud or anyone like him.
My decision worried me, because they can force me out of office but they can't
move the country one step forward; they can't even stop the deterioration.
Al-Hayat: This means that you've tied the country to yourself.
PM Hariri: No, this means that they don't have a program. Their only program is
domination, and their only policy is hindering everything that Hariri does.
Al-Hayat: Who do you mean by "they"?
PM Hariri: President Lahoud and those who support him.
Al-Hayat: And what if you lose the elections?
PM Hariri: If I lose in free elections, I'll bow to the will of the people.
Let's put modesty aside for a moment. I can win in the most difficult district
in Beirut. I can win in other districts. Maybe your residing abroad prevents you
from meeting with people outside Beirut. Do you think that I'm weak in Tripoli,
and the north, or the Western Bekaa, or Iqlim al-Kharroub, or elsewhere?
Al-Hayat: Why won't you return as prime minister?
PM Hariri: I have sacrificed a lot, and compromised a lot. I did this for the
sake of the country, not Rafik Hariri. In many circumstances, my interest as a
politician would mean leaving office. Being in office, facing this level of
obstruction, eats away at a politician's popularity. Nonetheless, I would
continue because I felt that destroying everything that we had built would not
be a source of anxiety for them. I acted like a responsible politician, facing
his conscience, the voters and the people, and as a believer, responsible before
the Lord. This time, it's a matter of dignity. If the price is my not being
prime minister (…) and if the price is a smaller parliamentary bloc (…) from now
on, there won't be any solutions at the expense of my dignity.
Al-Hayat: Let's go back to Resolution 1559.
PM Hariri: The resolution is related to big developments, which began with the
attacks of 11 September, through the war in Iraq, the position on this war,
confronting the Americans there, up to the Palestinian issue, and then what is
taking place in Lebanon and how influence in Lebanon could be used in other
issues. This resolution could have been avoided or delayed at the last minute.
Did the decision to extend Lahoud's mandate deserve such a price?
The Role of "Reports"
Al-Hayat: Did you support the presidency of someone else, from among Damascus'
friends?
PM Hariri: All of the names that were being discussed fell into this category.
It would have been impossible to see a president hostile to Syria, or one who
was a political enemy or rival of Syria. A president of this kind cannot rule.
He can't even be elected in the first place.
Al-Hayat: So, why did the extension take place?
PM Hariri: I don't understand it. Reports played a decisive role.
Al-Hayat: Where did these reports come from?
PM Hariri: They were Lebanese, and Syrian reports. Imagine that one of them, as
someone told me, claimed that I was preparing for a coup against Syria via the
elections, and that I gave President Jacques Chirac the name of MP Nassib Lahoud
at the summit at the Black Sea with President (Vladimir) Putin and Chancellor
(Gerhard) Schroeder. (Laughs) Nassib Lahoud is a respected individual, there's
no doubt about that. I believe that if he became president he would think about
another person as prime minister. It's a simple issue. Ask Nassib Lahoud
himself.
Al-Hayat: Do you believe that the great western powers have take a decision to
change the regime in Syria?
PM Hariri: I don't think that there's a decision of this kind. Arriving at such
a decision depends on the behavior of the Syrian authorities in the coming
phase, and the way that they deal with this resolution. As Lebanese, we have no
interest in disturbing the stability of Syria, or bringing down the regime
there. We have an interest in a stable and prosperous Syria, a Syria that sees a
Lebanon that is stable and prosperous as being in the interest of both
countries.
Lahoud and the Shadows
Al-Hayat: Why can't you reach an understanding with President Lahoud?
PM Hariri: Because Lahoud's program, from the beginning, was directed at the
program based on which I became prime minister. The core of this project
involved security; it was based on complete conformity, and left no room for
Lebanese partnership, even if modest, with Syria in administering Lebanon.
Al-Hayat: Was it because of your fear of these feelings that you worked to
extend the presidency of Elias Hrawi in 1995?
PM Hariri: Yes.
Al-Hayat: You supported the extension of a president who suited you and opposed
the extension of one who didn't?
PM Hariri: I opposed extension because it didn't suit the country. Despite my
convictions, I didn't want a clash with Syria, and I didn't want to be a reason
for igniting a crisis whose limits are unknown.
Al-Hayat: Was it impossible to arrive at a permanent understanding with Lahoud
during the marathon meetings that used to take place between you two?
PM Hariri: Actually, these meetings were never just him and me. There was always
a shadow, or shadows, present in our sessions.
Al-Hayat: Shadows of whom?
PM Hariri: Jamil Sayyed, Rustom Ghazaleh, or others.
Al-Hayat: It's said that your last meeting with President Lahoud was extremely
pleasant.
PM Hariri: That's true. He told me that I was a patriot and that each of us was
serving the country in his own fashion. He was frank with me. I told him that my
leaving the prime minister's office did not mean I would obstruct things. I said
that my relationship with the authorities would be ruled by my relationship with
him, and I hoped that there would be no return to the practices that targeted me
at the beginning of his term. He became agitated and said that he would
personally oppose any targeting or harassment. I also informed him that I would
be running in the elections and that I had no problem in Beirut, whatever the
shape of the districts.
Al-Hayat: Has the door between you and Damascus been closed permanently?
PM Hariri: I haven't closed the door. I have no demands. I'm not in an official
position, one that would require coordination.
Al-Hayat: Are you headed for testing Syria's strength via the elections?
PM Hariri: I don't want such a test, and I'm not searching for it; it would not
help the country. I agreed to the extension so that I wouldn't give such an
impression.
Al-Hayat: There are those who have compared your situation at the time to that
of Ayatollah Khomeini, when he discussed the drinking from the poison cup after
agreeing to a cease-fire with Iraq.
PM Hariri: Have I tasted the poison, or has the country?
Al-Hayat: Why don't you make it easy for someone else to arrive (in office)?
PM Hariri: I was open to any other name. It was no secret that the decision to
extend (Lahoud's mandate) was not a popular one in Lebanon, but it was taken. I
didn't want to be a reason for a big crisis in the country. I restrained myself,
and overcame my personal feelings. I knew that Syria had the last word in this
matter, for many reasons, but I expected that the feelings of Lebanese would be
respected. I didn't ask for Hariri to be a partner. I hoped that Lebanon's right
to be a partner in something Lebanese would be respected.
Al-Hayat: What is painful to you about this experience?
PM Hariri: It pains me to see the existence of a team, gathering civilian,
security, political and party officials, who live only to obstruct the program
to promote the country. They aren't concerned by a plan to build the state, or
reconstruction, or prosperity, or people's daily bread. Their actual interest
lies in seeing the country remain sick, and in the hands of the (security)
agencies. What they've done in the judiciary and elsewhere is no simple matter.
Al-Hayat: Do you wish that you were born in another country?
PM Hariri: Why?
Al-Hayat: Because the make-up of Lebanon puts limits on political leaders. The
Syrian military presence sets down addition limits. In other countries, the
leader rules and he carries out his will.
PM Hariri: You want the truth? It pains me that many Lebanese don't know the
importance of Lebanon. Our country is important, provided that we deal with
national and political affairs in a spirit of responsibility.
How many people can you ask about what they've done for the country, and who can
list their accomplishments? The future won't be built by statements and showing
off, and repeating the boring stuff about being keen on seeing (state)
institutions.
The Relationship with Damascus
Al-Hayat: What is the core of the problem with Syria?
PM Hariri: In the 1970s, a situation in Lebanon arose in which a regional and
international belief formed, stating that the war in Lebanon could not be ended
without Syrian military intervention. Which was correct. The factors were
interconnected; Lebanese, Palestinian, Israeli and international elements were
intertwined. After the Syrians entered, the region saw huge events - the
Israeli-Egyptian peace, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, and we can't forget the
Iranian Revolution and the Iraq-Iran War. Without going into details, there
arose in Damascus a conviction that Syria's regional role had become linked to
its presence in Lebanon, and this presence was a first line of defense of this
role, and the regime.
The Taif Accord involved a double objective: conducting a settlement among
Lebanese that would allow for the rise of the Lebanese State, and concluding a
strategic partnership with Syria that would reassure it and lead it to drop its
management of Lebanon. Big regional developments then took place, such as the
(Iraqi) invasion of Kuwait, and the Syrian leadership considered that its former
tasking (to run Lebanon) had been renewed, and in an open-ended way.
Sometimes, countries are afflicted by the same things that afflict individuals:
becoming addicted. Syria became addicted to running Lebanon. We should make an
observation here, namely that Syria under Hafez al-Assad continued to retain
Lebanon, but it usually observed the balances that needed to be preserved among
sects, or within the sects. In the 1990s, there was a trend toward destroying
these balances, and this was translated on the ground in Emile Lahoud's becoming
president in 1998, and the trend became deeper.
Based on my acknowledgement, and appreciation of the role that Syria played in
ending the war, I hoped that it would take the opportunity of the Taif Accord to
get out of the details of Lebanese daily matters, and content itself with the
strategic relations that reassured it in the fields of security, and the
position on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Unfortunately, the program that was
prepared for Lahoud and was implemented after he became president supported
exiting Taif, and didn't take into consideration internal balance, or
sensitivities, and it didn't take note of changes that had taken place in the
world.
Al-Hayat: Was your relationship with Abdel-Halim Khaddam, the former Syrian Vice
president, one of the reasons why your relationship with the rulers in Damascus
declined?
PM Hariri: This relationship began with a request from President Hafez al-Assad
and part of it turned into a personal relationship. After President Bashar
al-Assad took over, we talked about this topic, and he didn't oppose my seeing
Abu Jamal (Khaddam) during my visits to Damascus. Of course, I knew that the
Lebanese "file" had gone to others, and my relationship with him was a personal
one. I knew who was making decision. I didn't make a mistake in reading these
things.
Al-Hayat: Did he oppose Lahoud's extension?
PM Hariri: He was aware of the dangers.
Al-Hayat: Was he among those who advised you, at the beginning of Lahoud's term,
to leave the prime minister's position and let the president lose momentum, then
return after the elections.
PM Hariri: These topics require a detailed, precise discussion, which I will
leave for the future.
Al-Hayat: Is it true that ministers in your various governments would write
reports and relay the secrets of Cabinet sessions, and even your personal
meetings with them?
PM Hariri: Yes, written reports and oral ones. (Laughs) There were those whose
handwriting improved, they wrote so much. Ministers, MPs, and security people.
In fact, there were always different points of view. The first said "keep Hariri
out of power, but fear the repercussions." The second said that "keep Hariri as
a partner in government, but wear him down by setting traps in the Cabinet,
Parliament, parties, and unions." Should I tell you that had they known from the
beginning that rebuilding Beirut would return Lebanon to the regional and
international arena, they wouldn't have agreed to it? The indicators of success
prompted them to prepare a counter-project, which was Lahoud's project.
Al-Hayat: Who engineered this project?
PM Hariri: The biggest role went to Brigadier General Jamil Sayyed. Of course,
Sayyed was part of the group. Imagine, Lahoud himself couldn't get rid of the
Director of Sûreté Général.
Al-Hayat: But in the 2000 elections, you succeeded in hitting at Lahoud's
presidency and you returned to power on a white horse. There are those who say
that Brigadier General Ghazi Kenaan (the former head of Syrian intelligence in
Lebanon) and Jamil Sayyed helped you. Was there a connection to internal Syrian
considerations?
PM Hariri: I was never once part of an internal Syrian calculation. I always
rejected even talking about such a topic. The relations I established with
Syrian officials in the 1980s and 1990s were done with the knowledge of
President Hafez al-Assad. These relations weren't mysterious or secret. This
holds true regarding my relations with Abdel-Halim Khaddam, Hikmat Shehabi, and
Ghazi Kenaan, and others.
Al-Hayat: But these relations weren't stable in recent years.
PM Hariri: I did everything that I could. Perhaps it's connected to the
considerations of others, and perhaps chemistry played a role.
Al-Hayat: What will be your official capacity after the parliamentary elections.
PM Hariri: Head of a parliamentary bloc. Why don't you believe it?
Al-Hayat: Because I feel that you renovated the Government Serail in order to
reside there.
PM Hariri: I repeat, I will not be prime minister with Emile Lahoud, or anyone
like him.
Al-Hayat: Was the assassination attempt against Marwan Hamade (in October 2004)
a message?
PM Hariri: It was an ugly crime, before being a message.
Al-Hayat: Are you afraid for your life?
PM Hariri: First of all, I'm a believer. Second, I don't have a spot of blood on
my hands. Third, my conscience is clear. Fourth, I believe that I have good
security measures. Fifth, I have the conviction that any decision to assassinate
me is improbable; this is a big decision, one that is dangerous and costly, and
no sane person would take it. Therefore, I don't think there will be an attempt
to assassinate me physically. As for attempts to assassinate me politically,
they haven't stopped, and won't stop. They are aimed at keeping the country
sick, forever. No one has an interest in killing a sick person, and they reject
curing him.
Al-Hayat: Can't you reach a minimum level of understanding with President Lahoud?
PM Hariri: He is unable to reach an understanding with me. Put simply, let me
tell you that I've served the resistance in south Lebanon many times over what
Lahoud has done for it. And served Syria many times over compared to Lahoud.
However, I serve Syria from my position as a Lebanese, and Arab, and what I
believe serves the interest of Lebanon and Syria over the long run.
The Hijacked Plane
Al-Hayat: There are those who say that you've made many compromises.
PM Hariri: That's true. I've made many compromises here in Lebanon, because I
believe that relations among the sects and political forces in Lebanon should be
"natural" ones, even if this means making compromises, whether both sides make
them or only one. This style isn't comforting for some people. They don't want
me to have a natural, or strong relationship with the Christians. The same with
the Shiites.
I've also made compromises regarding relations with Syria. I used to dream that
a time would come in which Lebanese and Syrian stability, and Lebanese and
Syrian prosperity, would be strengthened and see the rise of natural relations
between the two countries, linked by many ties. A relationship in which a
Lebanese-made decision would not be seen as a project to threaten ties with
Syria, or a source of anxiety for Syria.
Al-Hayat: Going back to Resolution 1559 - did you have a role in "maturing" the
conditions for its passing?
PM Hariri: No. It could have been avoided.
Al-Hayat: Did you have prior knowledge about it?
PM Hariri: No, but it was no secret that Lebanon was the topic of discussion
between Paris and Washington. I believe that Syrian diplomacy made a mistake
when it considered that Lebanon was not important, that it would be enough to
show flexibility in Iraq, so that the situation in Lebanon could remain the
same. The option of extending (Lahoud's mandate) was considered a
confrontational stance.
Al-Hayat: What do you expect in the coming period?
PM Hariri: It will be a period that requires patience and wisdom by all. A
difficult phase. Let me sum up the issue of compromises in a comparison,
although I don't know how accurate this is. If you're facing a hijacked civilian
plane and you can't free the hostages by force, what do you do? My answer is the
first priority is the safety and rescue of the passengers. Merely saving Beirut
and Lebanon will be a punishment for the kidnappers.
Tomorrow: Part Two
http://english.daralhayat.com/Spec/02-2006/Article-20060213-63f9bb88-c0a8-10ed-0118-a770f0af0ce3/story.html