LCCC NEWS BULLETIN
JUNE 25/2006
Below News From miscellaneous
sources for 25/06/06
Syria poses conditions for dialogue with Beirut-AsiaNews.it
Unsettling sympathy for Zarkawi in Lebanon-Ya Libnan
News From Newark: The Fourth International Coptic Conference-American Daily
Syria is Not Iran-Dar Al-Hayat
Jordanian-Syrian Higher Committee to Meet In Damascus-Jordan News Agency
Lebanese PM calls for good ties with Syria-People's Daily Online
Syria offers to set up Russian aircraft maintenance center-TREND Information
Syria Renews Attacks on Lebanese Leaders -Naharnet
SOLIDA
Press conference / conférence de presse
Date: Sat, 24 Jun 2006
On the occasion of the United Nations International Day in Support of Victims of
Torture AJEM (Association for Justice and Mercy) and SOLIDA (Support for the
Lebanese Detained Arbitrarily) invite you to a PRESS CONFERENCE
" Torture and arbitrary detention "On 26th June, 2006 at 2:30 p.m. At SOLIDA
office - Centre Mar Youssef - 12th Floor - DORA The speakers, Father Hadi AYA,
President of AJEM, and Wadih AL ASMAR, Vice President of SOLIDA will present the
case of Nehmeh Naïm EL HAJ, detained in Roumieh prison and sentenced to death on
the basis of confessions extracted under torture at the centre of the Syrian
Intelligence Services in Anjar.The detention of Mr. El Haj has just been
declared " arbitrary " by the UN. Press Contacts : Wadih Al Asmar : 70 950 780 /
Marie Daunay : 03 887 108
(La version française suit)
A l'occasion de la Journée Internationale des Nations Unies pour le
soutien aux victimes de la torture L'AJEM (Association Justice et Miséricorde)
et SOLIDA (Soutien aux Libanais Détenus Arbitrairement) vous invitent à une
CONFERENCE DE PRESSE " Torture et détention arbitraire " Le 26 juin 2006, à
14h30
Dans les locaux de SOLIDA - Centre Mar Youssef - 12è étage - DORA Les
intervenants, Père Hadi AYA, Président de l'AJEM, et Wadih AL ASMAR, Vice
Président de SOLIDA vous présenteront à cette occasion le cas de Nehmeh Naïm EL
HAJ, incarcéré à Roumieh et condamné à mort sur la base d'aveux obtenus sous la
torture au centre des services de renseignements syriens de Anjar. La détention
de M. El Haj vient d'être qualifiée d' " arbitraire " par l'ONU. Contact presse
: Wadih Al Asmar : 70 950 780 / Marie Daunay : 03 887 108
Syria poses conditions for dialogue with Beirut
by Jihad Hissa -24 June, 2006
In a press conference yesterday, the Syrian Information Minister said: no
mediation from the USA, France and Great Britain; let’s respect existing
agreements, and internal Lebanese dialogue must close before discussions start
about borders and diplomatic ties.
Damascus (AsiaNews) – Syria has listed the conditions necessary to take up talks
on relations with Lebanon, which have deteriorated since 2004 when pressure from
Damascus forced the extension of the mandate of Lebanon’s filo-Syrian President
Emile Lahoud. In a press conference yesterday, the Syrian Information Minister
Mohsin Bilal, said that first "we have to wait until internal Lebanese dialogue
is concluded” (started in Beirut in March and going on intermittently since). He
told a delegation of Lebanese journalists, including the AsiaNews correspondent:
“When you have finished your meetings, you will be welcome in Syria”. Bilal
emphasized the availability of his government to start sincere dialogue, without
mediation, between the two countries before dealing with practical issues.
“Don't expect Syria to ask anyone to mediate between us and Lebanon," he warned,
underlining the importance of existing agreements "which must be respected."
This was a response to calls by the anti-Syrian coalition in Lebanon, which is
demanding a review of all agreements Lebanon signed with Syria in the past.
The minister clearly said Damascus will receive anyone who wants to go to Syria,
“on condition they don’t pass through Washington or Paris.” Lebanon has asked
for a meeting with Syrian officials, but Damascus has been reluctant to invite
Prime Minister Fuad Siniora for talks. In a wider context, the reference here is
to international pressure exerted by the United States, France and Great
Britain, which have promoted a series of UN resolutions regarding Lebanon. The
most unpalatable for Damascus is Resolution 1559 of the Security Council that
calls on Syria to end its interference in Lebanese affairs, to define its
borders and to establish diplomatic ties with Beirut. Bilal called on the French
government “to play its historic role”, distancing itself from the USA, which is
only following “its self-interest” in the region.
Today, the Syrian press reported government sources saying that yesterday’s
meeting between the Syrian President, Bashar Assad and his Egyptian counterpart,
Hosni Mubarak, mediator in the Lebanese-Syrian conflict, “did not yield any
positive outcome”. Damascus even took the opportunity to reiterate that “for the
moment, the issues of the border and diplomatic ties will be not
discussed.”Already at the beginning of the week, the Syrian Foreign Affairs
Minister Walid Muallem had said that “this is not the right time to establish
diplomatic ties” between Syria and Lebanon. However the Lebanese MP, Saad Hariri
was more optimistic. Yesterday, in Paris, where he met President Chirac, the son
of the ex-Premier Rafic Hariri, killed last year, said diplomatic ties with
Syria “are possible”.
Syria Renews Attacks on Lebanese Leaders While Lebanon
Positive About Ties with Damascus
Syria has renewed its attacks on politicians in Lebanon while Lebanese leaders
were positive about establishing diplomatic ties with Damascus despite its
reservations.
"The one who wants to visit Damascus should set the atmosphere for such a visit
and not hurl accusations at Syria," said Syrian Information Minister Mohsen
Bilal on Friday in a clear reference to Prime Minister Fouad Saniora.
"He should not go to Washington and stop in New York and the (U.N.) Security
Council and then say he wants to come (to Damascus)," he told Lebanese media
representatives visiting the Syrian capital.
Saniora, who has been seeking to visit Damascus to discuss the thorny
Lebanese-Syrian relations, said that his government was keen on having good ties
with its neighbor.
"If there were diplomatic relations with Lebanon, we would be able to solve many
problems," Saniora told reporters in Beirut after talks with a delegation of
Kuwaiti engineers."We are keen on establishing healthy and good relations with
all Arab countries especially Syria," he added. Lebanese political leaders
meeting at national reconciliation talks in Beirut delegated Saniora in April
with the task of visiting Damascus to discuss delineating the border with Syria
and establishing diplomatic relations. However, Syria has been reluctant to
receive the premier.
On Thursday Syrian Foreign Minister Walid al Moallem said that the atmosphere
was not right to establish ties between the two countries. He said although his
country was not against the principle, it was holding back due to assertions by
members of the Lebanese cabinet that Damascus was behind former Prime Minister
Rafik Hariri's assassination in February 2005.
Hariri's son, legislator Saad Hariri, said Friday that Lebanese leaders have
agreed to separate the issue of the assassination from improving ties with
Damascus, adding that it should be possible to establish relations with Syria.
"Syria has diplomatic ties with every country in the world except Israel... We
are not Israel, we are Lebanon, an Arab country, and I believe that we will be
able to establish diplomatic ties," he said after talks with French President
Jacques Chirac in Paris.
Regional powers have been trying to mediate between Beirut and Damascus to mend
relations between them. In this context, Lebanese politicians have been meeting
with the Egyptian and Saudi leadership.
However, a summit between Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak and Syrian leader
Bashar Assad on Thursday failed to yield results with regards to Lebanon.
Damascus is under international pressure to respond to Lebanon's demands
according to U.N. Security Council Resolution 1680 passed last month that
"strongly encourages" Syria to establish diplomatic ties with Beirut and
delineate the common border.(Photo shows legislator Saad Hariri and French
President Jacques Chirac)
Beirut, 24 Jun 06, 09:11
Lebanese PM calls for good ties with Syria Lebanese
Prime Minister
Fouad Siniora reiterated Friday his call for good relations
with Syria.
"We are looking to establish healthy and normal relations based on mutual
respect," Siniora told a delegation of Kuwaiti engineers. Siniora made the
remarks despite comments by Syrian Foreign Minister Walid al-Mualem the previous
day that the atmosphere was not proper to establish diplomatic ties between the
two countries. Siniora said he recognized Syria's role in ending Lebanon's civil
war and its support to national resistance against Israel, but said the presence
of Syrian security services and army in Lebanon in the past "had pressured
Lebanon's political and democratic life."
As to the demarcation of borders between two countries, Siniora said, "Lebanon
and Syria should have clear borders between them, this is a right for all
countries," adding that this issue has been a cause of dispute in the past
years.
Lebanon and Syria share a 250-km-long border and parts of their border remain in
dispute. Relations between Beirut and Damascus have deteriorated since former
Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was killed in a massive bomb blast in
Beirut on Feb. 14, 2005, which sparked massive anti-Syrian protests in Lebanon.
Under mounting international pressure, Syria withdrew its forces from Lebanon in
April 2005, ending a 29-year military presence there. In May 2006, the United
Nations Security Council passed a resolution to press Syria to respond
positively to Lebanon's request to establish diplomatic relations and demarcate
their border. However, Syria has rejected the request. Source: Xinhua
Jordanian-Syrian Higher Committee to Meet In Damascus
Damascus, June 24(Petra)—Jordan's Ambassador in Damascus Hashem Shboul affirmed
the strength of Jordanian-Syrian relations adding that they continuously develop
with the directives of both leaders. In statement to Petra on Saturday, Shboul
said that the Jordanian-Syrian higher committee will hold its 11th meeting in
Damascus on June 25-29 under the chairmanship of the two countries Prime
ministers. The committee will discuss enhancing bilateral relations in the
various fields as well as encouraging establishing joint industrial projects.
Shboul described these annual meetings as important stations in pushing
relations forward. He pointed that last year meetings, which were held in Amman,
resulted in the signature of 23 protocols and agreements in the various fields.
Regarding trade cooperation, Shboul said that the trade exchange jumped from JD
9.5 million in 1998 to JD 132 million. He added that Syria is considered a main
source for wheat imported by Jordan with preferential prices.
Syria offers to set up Russian aircraft maintenance
center
Author: А.Mammadov
23.06.2006 (RIA Novosti) - Syria has made a proposal to Russia on setting up a
center in the Middle Eastern country to service Russian-made aircraft, Syria's
transportation minister said Friday.
Yarub Sulayman Badr, who is currently on a visit in Russia to negotiate the
deliveries of seven Russian airliners to Syria, said the center could not only
service Syria but other purchasers of Russian planes in the region as well,
reports Trend.
"We made the proposal in advance and we are glad to meet with understanding from
the Russian side," the minister said.
Russian leasing company Ilyushin Finance, the Voronezh Aircraft Construction
Company [VASO] and Syrian Arab Airlines agreed Thursday on deliveries of six
Russian aircraft to Syria. Today Syria operates Russian-made Il-76, Tu-134,
Tu-154, Yak-40 and Yak-42 airliners and has expressed an interest in purchasing
three Il-96 and four Tu-204 aircraft.
Syria is Not Iran
Walid Choucair- Al-Hayat - 24/06/06//
It is natural for Syria to want to open up to the influential Arab states at
this stage. The question that is mostly raised in the Lebanese and Arab arenas
is how far Damascus is willing to adapt to the possibility of a settlement or a
deal between the US and Iran; an adaptation which would be a corollary to the
US-European package of incentives. This package deals with the Iranian nuclear
file to guarantee that Tehran will use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, not
to possess nuclear weapon.
If the basic issue is still about how successful the Iranian-international
negotiations will be despite the positive signals from Iran, speculations on the
possibility of the success of these negotiations, even after some time, lead to
some hypothetical questions on Syria's position on the Iranian-international
dialogue. These questions cover several angles. The most important are: Will
Tehran view Damascus as a partner in the Iranian-international dialogue, and,
consequently, seek to make it a party to a possible settlement? The second angle
is: Will the US-European alliance be ready to accept Syria in such a settlement,
or will it prefer to separate between the possible settlement with Iran and a
presumed one with Syria? Finally, is it in the interest of Syria to be content
with a dialogue that opens up compromises with Iran? Or is it better to have a
parallel dialogue that may make the optimum use of the first, while dealing
specifically with Syrian-Western relations?
All these questions on Syria's position were raised as a result of a general
impression of senior officials in the West and Arab countries, who repeat that
Syria has become Iran's puppet. Gone are the days when Syria's relations with
Iran were a card the Syrians could play with the West and the Arab countries
during the era of late President Hafez Assad. This impression affected the
behavior of Washington, Europe, Riyadh and Cairo toward Damascus, which has
become in very close contact with Iran since last autumn due to Iran's support
for Syria against the pressures applied on it.
This impression and the very close Syrian-Iranian ties stunted many initiatives
by Riyadh, Cairo, Washington, Paris and other capitals related to Damascus.
These initiatives revolved around the Syrian role in Lebanon and Iraq.
The efforts exerted by these two countries, whose conditions concern the
influential Arab countries and the international community, did not bear fruit,
according to the conclusions reached by those who discussed the issue with
officials in the aforementioned capitals.
Although the Arab leaders, who are keen to maintain good relations with Syria,
did not abandon their bid to persuade it to change its role in Lebanon and Iraq,
they share a feeling with the leaders of the West: disappointment with Syria,
which they have dubbed 'boredom'. The reason is that they have repeatedly asked
Syria to take a new direction to normalize relations with the international
community.
Syria, instead of playing a role in the relations between Tehran and the Arab
countries, as President Hafez al-Assad had done, a glimpse at Iranian-Saudi and
Iranian-Egyptian contacts made publicly in the last two months, shows that they
were more than the Syrian contacts with Cairo and Riyadh. This is not to mention
the declared and secret contacts made between Iran and the Gulf States held
basically for the security affairs of the Gulf, but which also touched on the
latest developments in Iraq and Lebanon.
Although the Tehran-Damascus cooperation accords, including the most recent one
on defense, are reassuring to the latter in the case of a possible settlement
between Iran and the international community which does not ignore Syria, a
small circle in Damascus expresses fears and concern. These fears are the result
of reports of a US-Iranian dialogue on Iraq that excludes any Syrian role. It
seems that Damascus now needs to distinguish itself from Tehran with regard to
its regional policy in order to regain some of its political roles in the case
of a settlement. To what extent can Syria reconcile this distinct role with the
degree of its dependence on Iran's support? If Syria has already sent signals
that it will play a distinct role in Iraq, will it do the same in Lebanon?
News From Newark: The Fourth International Coptic
Conference Convenes in New Jersey
By Sally Bishai (06/24/2006)
June 19th marked the first day of the Fourth International Coptic Conference.
The event was attended by many great thinkers and writers, both "Middle Eastern"
and American, both "Coptic" and not.
In fact, one of the discussions swirling about during the coffee breaks was
“What is a Copt, anyway?”
As you know, I have explored this question many times in my writings, but it was
certainly thought-provoking to hear so many different explanations.
For example, some suggested that all Egyptians are (for the most part) Copts,
while others maintained that only Egyptian Christians deserve such an honor.
Still others narrowed their use of the word to denote those of the Coptic
Orthodox faith. And in an interview with Dr. Ahmed Sobhy Mansour (who very
graciously took the time to talk to my camera, along with many other dear and
learned people during my three-day stay in Newark), the scholar informed me that
he thought the word referred to the religion of our forefathers, the ancient
Egyptians.
Interesting viewpoints, all, but I must confess that I am no closer to having
formed an opinion on the matter than I was last week. As I mentioned two seconds
ago, the conference was held in Newark, New Jersey, and hosted by Copts United
and the International Christian Union. The shindig had previously been slated to
take place at the United Nations Building in New York, but got shifted to the
Holiday Inn in New Jersey for security reasons.
The wide range of speakers did a great job covering their respective issues;
these distinguished guests included conference staples Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim,
Father Keith Roderick, and Dr. Wafaa Sultan, as well as a Rabbi, a Bishop, and
Daniel Pipes. Other visible attendees included Dr. Gihad Ouda (political
scientist, author, and mega-nice guy), Engineer Cameel Halim and Dr. Mounir
Dawoud (who hosted the conference), and the unmistakable,
electronically-transmitted presence of Conference Chairman and the dear Father
of the Coptic cause, Engineer Adly Abadir Youssef.
Two speeches that stood out to me were Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim’s (which posited
that the problem in Egypt is dictatorship) and Daniel Pipes’ (which mentioned
reciprocity, among other things). And, of course, my own, which was a
five-minute rhapsody about solidarity despite differences, and the strength of
unity.
The title of this celebration of unity—“Religious Freedom of Christian
Minorities in the Middle East”—was fitting, letting attendees know that the
conference wasn’t just about Copts or even Egyptians in general. In fact, the
Conference Resolutions actually included a whole section about “The Lebanese
Issue.”
Speaking of the Resolutions, let’s have a look at the ones that were decided
upon this time around:
The Coptic Issue
First: Declaring the Coptic movement in the Diaspora and in Egypt – that
represent no less than fifteen million according to international estimates- as
a national and public peaceful movement against the aggression and despotism
practiced by the ruling regime with its corrupt institutions.
Second: To work towards the amendment of the second article of the constitution
and to eliminate the phrase “Islam is the religion of the state” and to affirm
the Egyptian identity.
Third: To work- through all available peaceful means- to stop the persecution
and the physical elimination of the Copts, to stop the repeated massacres and
attacks on churches, and to bring the assailants to a re-trial after their
acquittal as a result of the non-Independence of the judiciary system and the
interference of the executive authorities in the previous trials such as in Al
Kosheh and elsewhere.
Fourth: To seriously and decisively confront- with all legal means –the
extremist and fanatic groups that facilitate and incite and engage in the forced
conversion and luring of Christian teenage girls into Islam. Everyone has the
right to choose his/her faith on free will and without coercion.
Fifth: The Copts have the right to restitution of their physical and moral
rights they were deprived from in addition to the compensation of their harms.
Sixth: To work through all legal means and demand the recognition of the rights
of the converts to Christianity in obtaining new identification cards that
reflect their Christian identity without bringing them to trial.
Seventh: Change the ideologies that protect and incite…inspired by religious
convictions and beliefs.
Eighth: Request an official apology to the Copts from the ruling regime for the
injustices committed by the authorities against the Copts.
Ninth: Forming a general secretary of the Coptic movement with subcommittees and
work to safeguard funding means to proceed forward with the movement.
Tenth: Warn against the attempted infiltrations of this rising movement by other
anti-government movement such as the Muslim Brotherhood, and the infiltration by
the regime and its institution and to not engage in negotiations over the
principals of this movement.
Eleventh: This declaration stands until the formation of the general secretary
that will be established within 90 days of this date.
Twelfth: Lifting the restriction imposed by the state on building and renovating
churches.
Moving on, the Resolutions for “The Lebanese Issue” are as follows:
First: Disarming all factions and militias, especially the Palestinian and the
Shiite Hezbollah, and limit arms only to the official state represented by the
army and the security forces, and take the necessary safeguards to stop the
smuggling of weapons to Lebanon through strict control of its borders and
implementing the UN resolution number 1559.
Second: Inaugurating a monitoring of security systems and control of fund
transfers that are being illegally smuggled into Lebanon through a joint
international – Lebanese system to prevent Lebanon from turning into a conflict
ground for the benefit of either the Wahhabi or the Shiite Persian factions or
others.
Third: Setting short and long term strategies to stop the rising tide of
immigration of Lebanese youth and families by creating an attractive environment
for the Lebanese Christians through affirmative actions to counter the
demographic imbalance that we referred to in the introduction.
Fourth: Requesting that the international community, especially the United
States and the European Union… [would] establish… a supportive fund to provide
international assistance and extend a hand to Christians in Lebanon, and the
creation of jobs for them, to establish developmental and investing project to
accommodate them and reconstruct their affected areas.
Fifth: To review the school curricula throughout all education levels in order
to clear it of the inciting materials and to confront all forms of intellectual
terrorism either by political, social, or media means along with the
reaffirmation of the importance of coexistence between all sects, denominations
and religions under a secular and modern state that does not discriminate
between its citizens based on religious, sectarian or denominational
affiliations.
Sixth: The international community should place strict measures that prohibit
the interference of regional forces and neighboring countries in the Middle East
in the internal affairs of Lebanon, specially Saudi Arabia, Syria and Iran,
these countries are required to bear their responsibilities in compensating
Lebanon for the sabotage and afflictions it suffered from these countries and
its interference in Lebanon.
All in all, it was an action-packed 48 hours, and I was glad to attend.
(Check the July issue of www.xculturemag.com for photos of the conference and
“Sally Bishai’s 30 Minutes With… Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim,” and stay tuned for the
summer 2006 edition of Photo X Quarterly for even more conference coverage.)
**Sally Bishai is author of Mideast Meets West: On Being and Becoming a Modern
Arab American and director of Children of Kemet: The Copts, Culture and
Democracy of Egypt. Visit her online at http://www.sallybishai.com/
Unsettling sympathy for Zarkawi in Lebanon
Saturday, 24 June, 2006 @ 1:39 PM
By Mohamad El-Masri, Ya Libnan Volunteer
Abu Musaab al Zarkawi is dead and while most of Lebanese society are
celebrating, some are sympathizing with the passing of yet another warlord into
the disgraceful dustbin of Middle Eastern history.
There are members (not all, but enough) of Lebanon’s Sunni community who felt a
strong sense of solidarity with the Al-Qaeda leader. Zarkawi, a Jordanian
national and Sunni of the Wahabist variety, has been spearheading Al-Qaeda’s
drive to turn the American-Iraqi adventure into a failed experiment in nation
building.
Upon examination it seems that the foundation to solidarity with Zarkawi lies in
the fact that he was a prominent Sunni figure. In the ever widening divide
between Sunnis and Shiites in Lebanon, the animosity between the co-religionists
has been growing almost as fast as the sectarianism that has flourished since
the death of former prime minister Rafic Hariri. Despite shouts for a united
Lebanon, identifying with one’s sect for fear of the other maintains itself as
the default practice among the Lebanese faithful.
“I’ll be the first to admit that Zarkawi is a murderer and a terrorist,” says
Amal (name changed for anonymity) a middle-aged Sunni woman from Beirut. “But
given the choice between him and the Shiite murders on the other side in Iraq
and here, I’ll stand by Zarkawi because he is Sunni and from my community. He
stands for Sunnis and in the end we as group have to stand by him.”
So if it is indeed the ugly face of sectarianism that comes sympathy and a sense
of belonging to the same community, the question still needs to be put forward:
What about the thousands of Iraqis who have died, Sunnis and Shiites, at
Zarkawi’s command?
When asked this important question, Amal responds: “It doesn’t matter, because
he is Sunni we must stand by him and feel for him when we see the Western media
dragging his body in front of our eyes on television. He is doing what he can to
protect Sunnis in the region.” The need to feel protection means fear, and if
history has taught us anything (especially in Lebanon) fear is a precursor to
dangerous things.
In addition to the cross-national sectarianism that encourages solidarity to
Zarkawi, many also feel that Al-Qaeda and Zarkawi represent an anti-American
force that succeeds in de-polarizing the super power that is the United States.
For many Sunnis in Lebanon, Zarkawi is fighting against American interventionism
in Arab and Muslim affairs. They fear the American vision, which might have
Shiites ruling Iraq, Syria and possibly Lebanon.
“We need someone to keep America and the Shiite offensive to become regional
powers in check. America does not understand this region and it doesn’t
understand what is happening between Sunnis and Shiite. They do not understand
our history and so they do not belong here,” says Amer (name changed for
anonymity) a Sunni Man from Museitbeh district in Beirut. “
It’s interesting that there is a connection between Zarkawi and Al-Qaeda and the
Iraqi insurgency. Practical observers will tell you that the insurgency is a
different creature all together than the Al-Qaeda offensive against America and
the new Iraqi Government which has an average of 40-50 Iraqis dying each day
(both Sunnis and Shiites). For Lebanese Sunnis the Iraqi insurgency has as much
to do with resistance to occupation as it does with bringing down an Iraqi
government, not for it necessarily being a pro-American government but more
evidently for representing the mostly Shiite majority of the country.
This mix of sectarianism, anti-Americanism, pro-Iraqi sovereignty and fear of
Shiite political dominance have Lebanese Sunnis sympathizing with Zarkawi.
Possibly because they sense that the Shiite community in Lebanon is pushing the
country through similar demographic and political imbalances making life ever
more unstable and the future increasingly uncertain for those who had hope for
change on the streets of Beirut last March.
Zarkawi did himself even better in the eyes of Sunnis in Lebanon by speaking out
shortly before his death against Hezbollah’s political maneuverings in the
current Lebanese political crisis, especially two weeks ago when throngs of
Hezbollah loyalists took to the streets in the LBC Basmit Watan fiasco and the
subsequent Hassan Nasrallah press conference. Zarkawi criticized Nasrallah and
his party for refusing to disarm and even went so far as to reference the Taif
Accords to prove his point. Zarkawi’s dubious scholarship in Lebanese
socio-politics aside, his message may have helped further solidify any leanings
some Lebanese Sunnis had towards him.
Misplaced Solidarity
The solidarity with Zarkawi and Al-Qaeda and sentiments of sympathy following
his death, among the Lebanese Sunnis and among any other group in Lebanon for
that matter, is particularly alarming within the discourse of the populist
movement that is the March 14 alliance and the spirit of the anti-Syrian
protests that took place last year. What fails to be processed among these
groups of Zarkawi sympathizers are fundamental issues of values, history,
ideology and good old fashion facts on the ground.
From a values perspective all of the extremist Islamic groups ranging from
Al-Qaeda to the militant arm of Hezbollah differ on religious practices but
share astoundingly similar ideological flaws: the suppression of freedoms and
the implementation of an ultra-religious way of life which sees a Saudi-Iranian
style of administrating a nation spreading across the Levant states. This is a
real and tangible fear, yet for some this danger escapes critical analysis in
favour of sectarian solidarity:
“Even if Al-Qaeda came to Lebanon, I would stand beside them and fight the
Shiite threat,” adds Omar young Sunni man from Beirut.
This particular expression of readiness to fight is alarming (certainly a small
minority Sunnis feel this way) because its foundation lies in the old proverb of
‘me and my cousin against a stranger, me and my brother against my cousin.’ This
mentality needs to be curbed because in this case both the cousin and the
brother are at fault and do not deserve solidarity. Rather, a third pillar needs
to be constructed which combats the extremist Sunni and Shiite movements on an
intellectual, political and if need be a military scale (with the support of our
governments).
What is important for Lebanese to understand is that given power and resources
these groups would see the Lebanese way of life destroyed. The Al-Qaeda Islam
sees all Lebanese as Kufar who must be either converted or killed. The
solidarity with any extremist group and their leaders is misplaced. Nobody in
our country wants to see another Saudi Arabia or Iran in Lebanon.
In addition, the Al-Qaeda ideological objectives centre on pure ideology as
opposed to a political vision or diplomatic compromise in the region. Al-Qaeda
is fighting America and looking to implement it’s own regime in Iraq, without
much concern for what Iraqis want or for democracy. Further, with this in mind,
Iraqi sovereignty and stability, which we so adamantly stand by, has little to
do with the Al-Qaeda group in terms of objectives. The Iraqi people want
democracy, human rights, stability and freedom; all things Al-Qaeda seem to be
against despite Osama Bin Laden’s prophesizing.
Al-Qaeda in Lebanon
Imagine for a moment Al-Qaeda in Lebanon, we wouldn’t so readily jump to its
stead. We would cling endlessly to the values and freedoms that we have so
difficultly carved out for ourselves here and which we are continually trying to
build on. Real democracy hasn’t quiet found its way into the veins of the
Lebanese political strata but we’re on our way, however sympathizing with
murderers will only slow us down.
The anti-Americanism that is on display in Lebanon when it comes to Iraq is odd
in particular when considering how welcoming the different sects in Lebanon were
to American ‘interventionism’ during the cementing of resolution 1559 and
subsequently in it’s diplomatic pressure along side France for a Syrian
withdrawal from the country.
Even more ironic than the pleasure the Sunnis in Lebanon took in the assistance
the American gave to us last year (contrasted with their longing to see Al-Qaeda
succeed in Iraq); is the failure to recognize Syria’s role in Zarkawi’s presence
in Iraq. Zarkawi could not operate in Iraq without the support of Syria, who we
so diligently swept out of the country last year. Let’s not forget who is in
league with whom on this ever-widening chessboard that is the Middle East.
Zarkawi and Al-Qaeda means a continually dictatorial Syria, which means more
stability for Lebanon.
The Sunni and Shiite experiences differ across countries
From a historical perspective, the Sunni experience in Iraq is different than
those in Lebanon. To substantiate Lebanese Sunni solidarity by insinuating some
unified experience or history doesn’t hold water historically. The Lebanese
Sunni community is a minority sharing power among several minorities, while the
Iraqi Sunnis have been a very small minority ruling (and oppressing) a strong
majority in Iraq for the past 30 years under Saddam Hussein.
The civil war brewing in Iraq at the moment, a war fueled by Zarkawi and
Al-Qaeda so as to further ensure American failure, is based on a demographic
absurdity. Iraq is and has always been a Shiite country, and thus what is true
and just would be to see them rule their own country. Naturally the Sunnis in
Iraq will take part in society and government as any other viable minority group
in any other nation state. For what it is worth to say it, and it might seem
obvious though it escapes most, Iraq is not Lebanon. Iran is not Lebanon. Saudi
Arabia is not Lebanon. We need to stop orientalising ourselves and see each Arab
country as a unique nation with different demographic and social make-ups,
rather than a mass entity the way the West views us.
Et tu March 14?
What is apparent is that sectarianism is alive and well in Lebanon. Disparate
sects cling to their tribal loyalties without much regard for justice and truth,
much less history. Perhaps it’s too early to have expected anything else, but
these cross-national sectarians in Lebanon, including Lebanese Sunnis, were part
of March 14 screaming for ‘one Lebanon, a sovereign Lebanon, a democratic
Lebanon’. If democracy and unity is what we value collectively as a society,
then what of our continuing fear of one another and continuing allegiances to
groups who care nothing for our collective dreams and ambitions to be part of a
stable world. On the surface we scream for unity, in our homes we express the
same vile tribalism that put this country through 15 years of civil war. Let’s
hope that March 14 is not a self-made Trojan Horse that we have gifted to
ourselves, thereby passing through like a fatal fad as many other fads have
passed through the political landscape of Lebanon. As long as there are Lebanese
who do not stand with what is true, right and just then March 14 will remain as
relevant as a trickling stream in a raging sea.
Canada lacks evidence to arrest, extradite Iranian in
Kazemi death
Mike Blanchfield, CanWest News Service; Ottawa Citizen
Published: Saturday, June 24, 2006
OTTAWA -- Prime Minister Stephen Harper's tough talk over charging an Iranian
prosecutor in the death of Montreal photographer Zahra Kazemi was called into
question Friday because Canada lacks the evidence to formally lay charges or
have him extradited.The appearance of Saeed Mortazavi, a senior Iranian
prosecutor as part of his country's delegation to the United Nations Human
Rights Council in Geneva, has sparked international condemnation. Mortazavi has
been blamed in the July 2003 torture and rape of Kazemi, the 54-year-old
Iranian-born Canadian citizen, and has earned the moniker "butcher of the press"
for closing more than 100 of his country's newspapers.
Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay telephoned Germany authorities from Ottawa
on Thursday to discuss the possibility of them detaining Mortazavi, said Andre
Lemay, a spokesman for MacKay. But Lemay said no action has been taken because
it is not clear when or if Mortazavi will travel through Germany on his way home
to Iran from Geneva, or whether he can be charged under any German law. "We
can't say we want to extradite him, we want to accuse him because there are no
charges against him now," said Lemay. "We don't have the evidence sufficient to
convict him."
That sober assessment flies in the face of the sweeping assertion by Harper a
day earlier over Mortazavi's legal fate.
"My understanding is that MacKay's department has actually asked the Germans to
detain this Iranian official before he leaves Germany so that he can be
prosecuted for crimes against humanity," Harper told Radio-Canada. Harper
softened his stand in Quebec City on Friday. "We're appealing to the
international community to use all manner of law available to detain this
individual, and have him face justice," Harper said.
"I don't know whether we'll see a willingness or an ability to (do) that but we
want to make it absolutely clear that the Government of Canada has not dropped
this matter."Lemay said MacKay called the German government on Thursday, "and he
basically orally sought their assistance to the full extent of their domestic
law."Lemay would not identify specifically which German authorities MacKay spoke
with, but he did say they had no immediate answer and would get back to him.
The Canadian government is limited by what it can do because it does not possess
direct evidence that would demonstrate that Kazemi was beaten or sexually
abused. Kazemi's body was buried in Iran days after her death and Tehran has
rebuffed all requests by the Canadian government to have it exhumed and sent
back home.
Tehran does not recognize Kazemi's Canadian citizenship, and considers her death
an internal matter.
"Before criminal charges can be laid, police and prosecutors must be satisfied
that they have sufficient evidence in hand for successful prosecution," said
Lemay."The decision to proceed with charges on torture committed abroad or any
request for extradition rests with the attorney general of Canada."Asked about
Harper's commenting about possible "crimes against humanity" charges, Lemay
said: