LCCC NEWS BULLETIN MARCH 10/2006

LCCC NEWS BULLETIN
MARCH 10/2006

Below news from Miscellaneous Sources for 10/03/06
U.S. Offers to Equip Army with Surveillance Gear to Stop Infiltrations From Syria-Naharnet
Russian FM urges Hamas to initiate dialogue with Israel-Ha'aretz
Fewer insurgents enter Iraq from Syria, Russia says-Reuters
Syrian deputy FM meets with Iran's special envoy for Iraq-IRNA
Opposing Pressures End Lebanese National Dialogue-AINA
State Department Concerned by Rights Situation in Iran, Syria-VOA
Syrian FM to visit Moscow over Hariri probe-Xinhua
Syria pledges full cooperation in UN probe into Hariri's killing-People's Daily Online
National Dialogue Conference to resume on Monday-Alarab online
Jumblat Warns of New Fatah-Land In Shabaa Farms-Naharnet
Two Candidates Will Run in Baabda-Aley Legislative Vote-Naharnet
Annan Urges Jumblat to Play Leading Role at Dialogue Meeting-Naharnet
Hizbullah Accuses Shehayeb of Fabricating Meeting Between Nasrallah, Assad-Naharnet
Electoral Commission Asks Cabinet To Appoint Members To Replace Tabet, Baroud-Naharnet
Russian Foreign Minister to Hold Talks with Moallem on Hariri Probe-Naharnet
State Department Issues Mixed Human Rights Report on Lebanon-Naharnet
A Visit to Martyr-Land-Dar Al-Hayat - By: Ghassan Charbel
Presidential question is not a consensus issue KNA
Below News From the Daily Star for 10/03/06
Jumblatt to provide proof Shebaa not Lebanese in talks
Participants rally support for dialogue's second round
Siniora stresses dialogue key to stability
Hashash claims Dakkash tried to bribe him to quit by-election
Electoral law committee to appoint new members
FPM's Kenaan confident break in dialogue necessary for success
Brammertz in Damascus within the next 48 hours
Major obstacles await dialogue participants
Salloukh denies U.S. aiding Army
Citizens urged to protect natural reserves
Quenching the region's thirst for water
Mubarak starts European tour with visit to Italy-AFP
Tehran defiant on enrichment as Security Council looms
The perils of Lebanese security reform.By Bilal Y. Saab

Jumblatt to provide proof Shebaa not Lebanese in talks
Compiled by Daily Star staff -Friday, March 10, 2006
Leading Lebanese politician MP Walid Jumblatt denied Thursday he traveled to Washington to undermine the national dialogue. He added that weapons currently being smuggled into Lebanon, "are coming from Syria and Iran and this is not a secret any more.""I hope the last shipment of weapons, which recently entered the country, will be the last one smuggled into Lebanon from Syria," he added. Speaking at a conference at the UN headquarters in New York, Jumblatt said he would provide maps and documents at the talks, which will resume Monday, to prove his statements that the Shebaa Farms are not Lebanese. He added: "I promised [Parliament majority MP] Saad Hariri I would not discuss the Shebaa Farms extensively in the media because I don't want to be accused of sabotaging the national dialogue."
Jumblatt stressed that not all the points of disagreement can end with a consensus at the large-scale conference. The Shebaa Farms, he said, is one such issue. "Lets wait to discuss this matter on Monday calmly and I call on Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah and Speaker Nabih Berri to work out a gentlemen's agreement," he added. He repeated his position that the Shebaa Farms were Syrian, adding however: "There is a small part of Shebaa that is Lebanese, but they are mostly Syrian and I will present documentation proving this point."
In response to a question of whether Jumblatt was trying to counter the Iranian-Syrian axis which he speaks of by siding with an U.S.-Israeli one, the prominent anti-Syrian politician said he was not ashamed of American support to his positions regarding contentious issues in Lebanon. "I welcome any help presented by the U.S. for Lebanon to be free of foreign hegemony."As to whether he would accept peace with Israel, Jumblatt said: "This peace will be postponed until the declaration of a Palestinian state."Jumblatt added that he would be dining with members of the UN Security Council in an informal dinner, where he would explain his point of view over the Shebaa Farms.
Jumblatt, who is on a one-week trip to the United States, has met with U.S. officials including Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in an attempt to seek their support for Lebanon against Syria. He also met with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan late Wednesday, after which Annan reportedly called on Jumblatt to play a positive and leading role in the national dialogue.
UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said Annan met with Jumblatt in New York Wednesday and asked the March 14 leader to relay a message of support to the participants of the dialogue.
Jumblatt said in his talks with Rice and Annan he focused on the fact that "there was no difference between the Taif Accord and UN Resolution 1559.""In both, the state should deploy its authority over all Lebanese lands," he said.
Telecommunications Minister Marwan Hamade, who was also with Jumblatt in New York, confirmed at the news conference that the UN will help in setting up an international tribunal to try the suspected killers of former Premier Rafik Hariri, killed in a massive bombing on February 14, 2005, in Beirut. Hamade said senior Lebanese judges have agreed with UN legal adviser Nicholas Michel that the trial will take place outside Lebanon. The head of the tribunal will not be a Lebanese judge but there will be a significant Lebanese presence among the judges looking into the assassination.
Hamade, who has accompanied Jumblatt to the U.S., said that Michel and the Lebanese judges have decided to put aside the death penalty. - Additional reporting by Khawla Nazzal from New York.

Participants rally support for dialogue's second round
By Majdoline Hatoum -Daily Star staff
Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: With Lebanon's national dialogue set to enter round two Monday, Arab and foreign ambassadors held several meetings with the country's top officials in an attempt to give new impetus to the suffering talks.
Speaking following a meeting with Speaker Nabih Berri, U.S. Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman said he had visited the speaker to get a clearer idea of what had gone on in the dialogue to date. "I expressed my hope that the national dialogue will be successfully resumed next week," Feltman said. Feltman also met with Free Patriotic Movement leader MP Michel Aoun.
Sources close to the FPM said the ambassador expressed his country's support for the national dialogue and understanding of Premier Fouad Siniora and Parliament majority leader MP Saad Hariri's insistence on the implementation UN Resolution 1559 through Lebanese dialogue. 1559 is one of the main points of dispute in the dialogue, with issues such as the disarmament of Hizbullah and the Lebanese presidency within its stipulations.
The sources further said Feltman informed Aoun that any political party withdrawing from the national dialogue would be "isolating itself."Meanwhile, Arab efforts were also made to ease the tension in Lebanon following postponement of the dialogue. Egyptian Ambassador Hussein Darrar met with Berri during the day, after which he said that his impression of the dialogue was that it had "made very big progress." Darrar added that no Arab initiative is presently in the works. However, he said Arab countries were "on hold" pending results of the Lebanese national dialogue.
"The Arab role is clear, and it is currently outside the dialogue table hoping the best for Lebanon's national dialogue. But we are also ready to make any effort to make this dialogue work. I believe it [the Arab role] is like a backup ... " Darrar said.
Berri, who also met with Geir Pedersen, the UN representative in Lebanon, said the second round of discussions in the country's national dialogue should result in some decisions. "If the mere fact that Lebanese political leaders met on March 2 was important, I'm afraid it won't be enough next Monday if no decisions are taken to solve the country's problems," he added.
The need to make the dialogue work was also highlighted by a number of key Lebanese officials.
In comments made late Wednesday night, Siniora said all political factions in the country were determined to make the national dialogue work. "This dialogue is what will put us on the right path toward building a state that protects its citizens, but success in this effort demands sacrifices from everyone and standing up to the level of challenges and responsibilities," the premier said.
He added that this is the first time the Lebanese have been allowed to hold a national dialogue without any foreign interference.
"For tens of years we have been forbidden from discussing or tackling the issues that separate us as Lebanese because they didn't want us to reach solutions about it," Siniora said, in an indirect reference to Syria, which last year ended a near 30-year occupation of Lebanon. "We should not let this chance pass by without taking advantage of it, like we have done before."
Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Butros Sfeir said Thursday that the national dialogue should be "honest and transparent."
"All the Lebanese are waiting for the dialogue to find solutions to problems facing the country ... but such a dialogue can only happen from those who believe in their country and future," he said.
The March 14 Forces' follow up committee held a meeting Thursday night at Hariri's Qoreitem residence, during which participants asserted their determination to "make the national dialogue succeed."The same stance was voiced by Chouf MP Walid Jumblatt's Progressive Socialist Party. Also, sources close to Hariri denied the MP intended to travel to New York for a meeting with Jumblatt. In an interview with AFP, Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea said: "20 percent of issues subject to dialogue have to be resolved so that the talks will lead to a complete agreement."Geagea added that failure is forbidden. "If we don't have a minimum of an agreement level, then the Lebanese people will be in a very difficult situation, and there is no alternative for us. We have to agree to reach an accord."Meanwhile, Hizbullah MP Hassan Fadlallah denied media reports that his party had been ordered by Syria to sabotage the dialogue. "Hizbullah has never taken orders from Syria," Fadlallah said. "The party had decided from the beginning it will seriously and fully participate in the national dialogue, and we stand by our decision." Hizbullah's parliamentary bloc also held a meeting, asserting the need "go on with the national dialogue."
The bloc also criticized Druze leader MP Walid Jumblatt's recent statements, where he asked the U.S. to help the March 14 Forces. "This is a very dangerous statement, and it does not express the opinion of the majority of the Lebanese," a statement said. Separately, President Emile Lahoud said: "It is neither permissible nor acceptable to see the first ever internal Lebanese dialogue deadlocked."

Siniora stresses dialogue key to stability
By Nafez Qawas -Daily Star correspondent
Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: Premier Fouad Siniora's Cabinet, which convened Thursday at its temporary location in the Economic and Social Council headquarters in Downtown Beirut in the absence of President Emile Lahoud, stressed the importance of resuming the national dialogue. "The Lebanese people, here and abroad, our Arab friends and the whole world were focused on our national talks. Therefore we should all try our best to reach an agreement that would solve all issues," Siniora was quoted as saying during the session. "The dialogue is the only policy that should be adopted to protect Lebanon's stability and democracy and enforce cooperation and understanding among the Lebanese." When asked why the president did not attend, Siniora said: "The president does not need an invitation to attend the Cabinet's sessions, and when he wants to attend he can because the Constitution allows him to."The national dialogue will resume on Monday after its adjournment last Tuesday over disagreements on the disputed identity of the Shebaa Farms and Hizbullah's arms.
Inflammatory comments by Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblatt were also believed to have led to the postponement. But Siniora dismissed speculations that Jumblatt's comments would hinder the talks, adding that he hoped debatable issues would be solved through consensus. Jumblatt is lobbying to adopt majority voting in the dialogue when making decisions. Social affairs Minister Nayla Mouawad said "Lahoud did not attend to let the ministers do their job."
Siniora further vowed to provide all the necessity logistical and legal facilities for the establishment of the international court to try those accused of the assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri.
Justice Minister Charles Rizk also briefed the ministers on the outcome of a recent visit by two Lebanese judges to the UN headquarters in New York to discuss the matter. Rizk said the UN secretary general will prepare a report about the formation of the court and present it to the Security Council to grant him the authority to establish it. Rizk added a draft resolution will also be prepared in Lebanon detailing the formation of the court and this paper will be presented to Cabinet and then to Parliament for approval. The ministers also discussed the resignation of two members from the national commission responsible for drafting a new electoral law. Siniora said he will look into the reasons that prompted the Maronite members to resign and will try to find solutions to the problem.
Siniora further informed his Cabinet that the program of the Beirut I international donor's conference is ready and will be handed to the ministers to be discussed in the coming session. Siniora also said a special session will be held on Monday at 4:00 p.m. to discuss the National Social Security Fund. Siniora's Cabinet also announced that Lahoud, accompanied with Foreign Affairs Minister Fawzi Salloukh, will attend the Arab Summit to be held later this month in Sudan.

Hashash claims Dakkash tried to bribe him to quit by-election
'People's candidate' says he was offered between 40 to 50 million Lebanese pounds to withdraw
By Leila Hatoum -Daily Star staff-Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: Baabda-Aley parliamentary candidate Pierre Hashash said he was offered "between 40 to 50 million Lebanese pounds" to withdraw his candidacy. Speaking to The Daily Star by telephone Thursday, Hashash said "compromise candidate" Pierre Dakkash had offered him the money to bow out of the electoral race.
"I visited Dakkash at his home and he offered me the money, saying 'either way, I'm going to spend this amount on my electoral campaign.' I didn't give him my answer at the time as I was afraid to refuse because there were some 30 Dakkash supporters downstairs."Hashash said Dakkash called him later in the day, "and that's when I told him that I wasn't going to withdraw."
"I wouldn't even have talked about this incident if it weren't for Dakkash claiming in a radio interview that there are powers behind my candidacy financing me heavily," he added.
When contacted by The Daily Star, Dakkash said that the accusation was "provocative, and I don't accept it. I have no comments and Hashash can say what he wants."The two men are the only candidates running in the Baabda-Aley by-election set for March 19 for the parliamentary seat vacated by the death of Edmond Naim. Dakkash had been presented as a consensus candidate after extensive discussions among the main political parties. However, the Interior Ministry Thursday said the deadline had passed for the announcement and withdrawal of candidates, meaning Baabda-Aley voters will have to choose between Hashash and Dakkash.
Meanwhile, Hashash said he does not lean toward any party, and denied a rumor that he is being supported by the Lebanese Forces. He also said he "admires Dakkash," and explained he decided to run as a candidate so democracy would be fulfilled and so the "people would get to elect Dakkash rather than having him imposed on them." According to the 2000 electoral law, candidates must pay a fee of LL10 million, which the candidate gets back if he/she wins or receives at least 10 percent of the total votes received by the winner. Hashash said his friends provided LL5 million and he borrowed the rest.
"I borrowed the sum of $4,000 with interest from a banking company in Sidon to be able to pay for the fees," he said. "I am a simple employee who gets paid a salary of $500 per month. There is no way I can gather LL10 million if it weren't for my friends and borrowing money." Hashash criticized this fee, which he said "limits parliamentary seats to the rich," who don't always feel the pain of the poor and ordinary citizens. The Interior Ministry said 526 voting stations would be opened in Baabda-Aley for a total of 251,989 voters, divided as follows: 300 electoral posts in Baabda district, with 142,350 voters; and 226 electoral posts in Aley district, with 109,639 voters.

Electoral law committee to appoint new members
By Hadi Tawil -Special to The Daily Star
Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: The president of the national commission to draft the country's new electoral law Fouad Boutros said Thursday "it is only a matter of days until the government appoints two new members in the commission to replace those who had resigned."
Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora met on Thursday with members of the national commission, who gave the premier a letter from the president of the commission Fouad Boutros asking the government to appoint two new members.
The new members would replace Ziad Baroud and Michel Tabet, who submitted their resignations on Tuesday after the body was unable to reach an agreement that "fulfills the aspiration of the Lebanese citizens."
Boutros said: "There is nothing to worry about. The government will appoint in these few days two Maronite members replacing Baroud and Tabet." But former President Amin Gemayel contacted Boutros and discussed with him the issue of the resignation. Gemayel said that he hoped that "the issue will be solved as soon as possible because the importance of the work of the commission is as important as the work of the national dialogue."
"It is of our interest that the problem is tackled wisely taking into consideration all its stipulations," he added. Gemayel said: "Consensus solutions must be made in order to make the mission of the commission successful." Meanwhile The Change and Reform Bloc said it was studying the reasons that caused Baroud and Tabet to resign from the commission. The bloc said that "the issue of dividing the electoral districts is really important for having the best representation even in the context of the proportionality system." The bloc reaffirmed its rejection of large electoral districts (Mohafazat) saying "they ruin the right representation." The bloc called on "the electoral commission and the government to look into the resignation of Baroud and Tabet and instead of rushing to replace them, work on the reasons that forced them to resign."

FPM's Kenaan confident break in dialogue necessary for success
By Karen Mneimne -Special to The Daily Star-Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: Free Patriotic Movement MP Ibrahim Kenaan said that the time off taken from the national dialogue this week is necessary to solve Lebanon's problems. Speaking Thursday after meeting with Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Butros Sfeir, Kenaan said he had gone to Bkirki to inform Sfeir of the details of the national dialogue. "If the dialogue is postponed for a week or two for Lebanon's sake, then it's no problem, since we want to solve the problems that have been accumulating for 30 years," Kenaan said. He added that the main reason behind the postponement of the dialogue until next Monday was to allow all its participants to discuss their positions with execut-ive members of their parties.
He further said the "the dialogue's real goal is to reach a national consensus on the issues being discussed so that there is a road map for the new Lebanese state." However, religious clerics and politicians continued to express concern about the adjournment of the dialogue. Grand Mufti Sheikh Mohammad Rashid Qabbani and Higher Islamic Shiite Council Vice President Sheikh Abdel-Amir Qabalan said they were surprised to learn that the national dialogue had been suspended until Monday. In a joint-statement, the two clerics said the "unexpected adjournment has left negative consequences on the financial and economic levels." They appealed to the officials engaged in the dialogue "to deploy more efforts to be wiser and get Lebanon out of the cycle of chaos and recession."
Former Defense Minister Abdel-Rahim Mrad said there have been moves to ensure the failure of the dialogue. He slammed the U.S. for seeking to sabotage the dialogue by "making appointments with some of the members engaged in the dialogue outside Lebanon." Mrad was indirectly referring to MP Walid Jumblatt and Telecommunications Minister Marwan Hamade, who are both in the U.S. meeting with the Bush administration and UN officials. In the period before the dialogue was launched, Mrad believed there was a positive air about the talks, but was later surprised by the adjournment and said "there were bad intentions." Meanwhile, Phalange Party leader Amin Gemayel said: "Lebanon is at a very critical stage, where it is reconstructing itself after a 30-year domination, occupation and confiscation of Lebanese will."

Brammertz in Damascus within the next 48 hours
By Leila Hatoum -Daily Star staff-Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: Serge Brammertz, the head of the UN probe investigating the assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri, is expected to visit Damascus within the next 48 hours, according to a Lebanese security source.
The source said Thursday that Brammertz "and members from his team will be meeting with several Syrian witnesses in Damascus," without revealing the names of the witnesses, of whom the infamous masked witness Houssam Houssam is expected to be one.When contacted by The Daily Star Thursday, the UN probe's spokesperson refused to confirm or deny, saying: "We don't comment on the commissioner's moves, we don't give information on the investigation."
Brammertz already visited Syria two weeks ago, on February 23, when he met with Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Moallem, and some members of the Syrian probe investigating Hariri's assassination. Moallem had said that the visit was fruitful and Syria would extend full cooperation to the UN probe. On Wednesday, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said he is planning to meet Moallem in Moscow next week to discuss Syria's cooperation with the UN probe and "the implementation of UN Security Council's resolutions."
Lavrov comments came following his meeting with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, after which he said: "We will encourage the continued cooperation of Syria" with Brammertz. He added Russia "would be very cautious not to go beyond" the stipulations of the UN resolutions, and would not "use them for some political means." The same security source told The Daily Star Thursday that Brammertz had paid a two-hour visit to the Helo Internal Security Forces base In Mazraa, Beirut, Wednesday; and had checked the forensic laboratory there. The Helo ISF base is where the remains of Hariri's car, which was blown up in a massive explosion last year, are housed. "The forensic laboratory was founded some four years ago but the Syrians never allowed the Lebanese security to fully utilize it or develop it, and forced the Lebanese to either use the Syrian labs or labs in Lebanon favored by the Syrians," said the security source.
Meanwhile, Brammertz met with Justice Minister Charles Rizk and two Lebanese judges, Choukri Sader and Ralph Riachi who were recently at the UN in New York to discuss the set up of a tribunal to try the perpetrators in Hariri's case.

Major obstacles await dialogue participants
By Zeina Abu Rizk -Special to The Daily Star
Friday, March 10, 2006
If it is still too soon to predict whether the Nijmeh Square roundtable will ultimately be productive, the least one can say is that major obstacles will be waiting for the country's top officials when they meet next Monday. One could summarize these blockades in one simple idea: The two groups taking part in it - the March 14 Forces and the Shiite bloc - have divergent perspectives on how this dialogue should be led. On the one hand, the March 14 Forces want the presidential issue to be dealt with immediately, while the Shiites refuse to engage in any discussion on the subject before resolving with the controversial question of Shebaa Farms. Druze leader Walid Jumblatt's comments from the United States that the Shebaa Farms fall under Syrian sovereignty, despite the fact some Lebanese have title deeds, certainly did not facilitate the finding of a solution to this polemic. In the Shiite camp, this statement is seen as a political maneuver aimed at linking the Shebaa question to UN Resolution 242, which concerns Syrian territories occupied by Israel, thus taking it out of its Lebanese context. However, sources in this camp said such maneuvers would not be tolerated.
The proposal to settle the issue by majority vote at the dialogue, as proposed by officials close to a leading figure of the March 14 Forces, is, at the least, difficult to implement. Not only would the Shiite bloc likely reject this suggestion, which they have already refused in Cabinet meetings, but they will probably argue that a roundtable dedicated to dialogue naturally implies that decisions will be made based on consensus. Despite the numerous disagreements, March 14 sources expected solutions will be found to most of the issues on the table on Monday.
For the Shiites, the horizon looks rather gloomy. Not only are they against the presidency being the primary topic of discussion, they also will not agree on President Emile Lahoud's departure before knowing who is to succeed to him. Making the matter more complicated is the fact that under no circumstances will the Shiite bloc accept the nomination of a presidential candidate from among the March 14 Forces, which is a main goal of the latter camp.
Another difficulty is the level of representation at the roundtable. If Jumblatt abstains from participating personally on Monday, again delegating one of his allies to represent him, other leaders are determined do the same, in particular Hizbullah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah and Free Patriotic Movement leader Michel Aoun. Should these leaders decide to stay at home, even if the dialogue continues, any solutions reached will not have the necessary effect on the political scene. To come up with a constructive and substantial 'road map' for Lebanon, its leaders must participate in the drafting process personally.
In the meantime, any Arab initiatives aimed at boosting the dialogue are on hold, including the reportedly planned visits from Saudi Foreign Minister Saud al-Faysal and Egyptian Military Intelligence Chief Omar Suleiman. Arab leaders are unlikely to make any moves in this direction before the Lebanese agree among themselves first, at least on a number of issues.
It is important to the Arabs to see the dialogue succeed, especially as the various issues at stake at Nijmeh Square are, in one way or another, linked to improving Lebanese-Syrian relations. Therefore, any agreement to come out of the roundtable would serve as a platform for Arab mediators from which to launch a Lebanese-Syrian rapprochement.
As a result of this Arab commitment to the roundtable's success, Saudi Ambassador Abdel-Aziz Khoja met with both Nasrallah and Prime Minister Fouad Siniora immediately after the interruption of the dialogue on Tuesday.
Khoja insisted in particular that the dialogue should continue to be held at the highest level, urging senior leaders to put their grievances aside and sit back down at the table on Monday. On the bright side, the dialogue's spirit of reconciliation helped absorb the tension that would have normally prevailed over the country this month - especially on March 8 and March 14, the dates respectively associated with the two main political camps in the countries: the Shiites and the majority.

Salloukh denies U.S. aiding Army
Ministry says it was not asked to tighten border
By Rym Ghazal - Daily Star staff-Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: The Lebanese Foreign Ministry denied on Thursday reports that the United States has offered to supply the Lebanese Army with electronic surveillance equipment to be positioned at the border to protect the country against infiltrations from Syria. "The ministry did not receive an official letter from the U.S. asking Lebanon to tightening its control on its borders with Syria," said an official statement released from the Lebanese Foreign Ministry. An-Nahar newspaper published on Thursday a report that the Lebanese Foreign Ministry had received an official letter from the U.S. Embassy asking the government to improve its border control for fear that militants from Iraq may infiltrate into the country from Syria.
The front-page story said that Washington offered Beirut to provide the Lebanese Army "with electronic surveillance equipment to enhance its ability to exercise more control over its frontier with its neighbor."
"We hope that the media becomes more careful in how it publishes information of such a delicate nature," said the ministry's statement. When contacted by The Daily Star, the U.S. State Department could not confirm or disconfirm the report.
"We haven't seen the reports, so we can't confirm or disconfirm," said Justin Higgins, a State Department spokesperson.
Over the past week, it has been reported that the Lebanese Army had intensified its presence along the borders, with more troops deployed along the eastern and northern border as a move to crack down on illegal crossing between the two countries.
Local politicians and U.S. officials have voiced security concerns over reports that Damascus is sending Palestinian guerrillas and Al-Qaeda members to destabilize Lebanon. The U.S. also accuses President Bashar Assad's regime of allowing foreign fighters to infiltrate Iraq from its territory to join the anti-U.S. insurgency.
In January, the head of the Future Movement MP Saad Hariri during his tour in the U.S. requested assistance from the U.S. in securing Lebanon's borders by providing the "right tools." Two months ago, Lebanese authorities arrested members of an alleged Al-Qaeda cell affiliated with Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and charged them with attempting to stage terrorist operations. They had reportedly crossed to Lebanon from Syria. The arrest of the 13 extremists - three Lebanese, seven Syrians, a Saudi, a Jordanian and a Palestinian - came one month after Zarqawi claimed responsibility for a rocket attack on Israel from South Lebanon.

Salloukh denies U.S. aiding Army
Ministry says it was not asked to tighten border
By Rym Ghazal -Daily Star staff-Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: The Lebanese Foreign Ministry denied on Thursday reports that the United States has offered to supply the Lebanese Army with electronic surveillance equipment to be positioned at the border to protect the country against infiltrations from Syria. "The ministry did not receive an official letter from the U.S. asking Lebanon to tightening its control on its borders with Syria," said an official statement released from the Lebanese Foreign Ministry.
An-Nahar newspaper published on Thursday a report that the Lebanese Foreign Ministry had received an official letter from the U.S. Embassy asking the government to improve its border control for fear that militants from Iraq may infiltrate into the country from Syria. The front-page story said that Washington offered Beirut to provide the Lebanese Army "with electronic surveillance equipment to enhance its ability to exercise more control over its frontier with its neighbor."
"We hope that the media becomes more careful in how it publishes information of such a delicate nature," said the ministry's statement. When contacted by The Daily Star, the U.S. State Department could not confirm or disconfirm the report.
"We haven't seen the reports, so we can't confirm or disconfirm," said Justin Higgins, a State Department spokesperson.
Over the past week, it has been reported that the Lebanese Army had intensified its presence along the borders, with more troops deployed along the eastern and northern border as a move to crack down on illegal crossing between the two countries.
Local politicians and U.S. officials have voiced security concerns over reports that Damascus is sending Palestinian guerrillas and Al-Qaeda members to destabilize Lebanon. The U.S. also accuses President Bashar Assad's regime of allowing foreign fighters to infiltrate Iraq from its territory to join the anti-U.S. insurgency.
In January, the head of the Future Movement MP Saad Hariri during his tour in the U.S. requested assistance from the U.S. in securing Lebanon's borders by providing the "right tools." Two months ago, Lebanese authorities arrested members of an alleged Al-Qaeda cell affiliated with Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and charged them with attempting to stage terrorist operations. They had reportedly crossed to Lebanon from Syria. The arrest of the 13 extremists - three Lebanese, seven Syrians, a Saudi, a Jordanian and a Palestinian - came one month after Zarqawi claimed responsibility for a rocket attack on Israel from South Lebanon.

Salloukh denies U.S. aiding Army
Ministry says it was not asked to tighten border
By Rym Ghazal -Daily Star staff-Friday, March 10, 2006
BEIRUT: The Lebanese Foreign Ministry denied on Thursday reports that the United States has offered to supply the Lebanese Army with electronic surveillance equipment to be positioned at the border to protect the country against infiltrations from Syria. "The ministry did not receive an official letter from the U.S. asking Lebanon to tightening its control on its borders with Syria," said an official statement released from the Lebanese Foreign Ministry. An-Nahar newspaper published on Thursday a report that the Lebanese Foreign Ministry had received an official letter from the U.S. Embassy asking the government to improve its border control for fear that militants from Iraq may infiltrate into the country from Syria.
The front-page story said that Washington offered Beirut to provide the Lebanese Army "with electronic surveillance equipment to enhance its ability to exercise more control over its frontier with its neighbor.""We hope that the media becomes more careful in how it publishes information of such a delicate nature," said the ministry's statement.
When contacted by The Daily Star, the U.S. State Department could not confirm or disconfirm the report.
"We haven't seen the reports, so we can't confirm or disconfirm," said Justin Higgins, a State Department spokesperson.
Over the past week, it has been reported that the Lebanese Army had intensified its presence along the borders, with more troops deployed along the eastern and northern border as a move to crack down on illegal crossing between the two countries.
Local politicians and U.S. officials have voiced security concerns over reports that Damascus is sending Palestinian guerrillas and Al-Qaeda members to destabilize Lebanon. The U.S. also accuses President Bashar Assad's regime of allowing foreign fighters to infiltrate Iraq from its territory to join the anti-U.S. insurgency.
In January, the head of the Future Movement MP Saad Hariri during his tour in the U.S. requested assistance from the U.S. in securing Lebanon's borders by providing the "right tools." Two months ago, Lebanese authorities arrested members of an alleged Al-Qaeda cell affiliated with Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and charged them with attempting to stage terrorist operations. They had reportedly crossed to Lebanon from Syria.The arrest of the 13 extremists - three Lebanese, seven Syrians, a Saudi, a Jordanian and a Palestinian - came one month after Zarqawi claimed responsibility for a rocket attack on Israel from South Lebanon.

The perils of Lebanese security reform
Commentary by Bilal Y. Saab - Daily Star- Friday, March 10, 2006
Until last year, the Damascus-controlled Lebanese security sector served as a formidable structural impediment to Lebanon's freedom and human development. In some respects that situation endures to this day. Syrian intervention forced the Lebanese state to marginalize all forces capable of reform and influence. Today, restoring the integrity, credibility, and effectiveness of the security apparatus is of vital importance so that the country can return to sovereign rule.
A wholesale security reform approach in Lebanon - which would aim at integrating all those partial reforms such as defense reform, police reform, intelligence reform, and judicial reform (all crucial at this critical juncture), and linking them with principles of good governance - will take time. That is because this approach is linked to internal political stability, itself subject to inter-sectarian concord. The more balanced Lebanon's domestic confessional landscape is, the more unified political discourse is and the less challenging it becomes to achieve security.
Finding common ground among existent and emerging political forces and creating a new political framework, one distinct from past and present trends of polarization and fragmentation, is among the most important prerequisites for wholesale security reform. Meanwhile, the Lebanese government must protect its citizens, prevent additional assassinations and bombings, and renovate the country's dilapidated and unaccountable security sector as part of its attempts to reclaim its national institutions.
So, what has Prime Minister Fouad Siniora's government so far accomplished in the security domain? It has performed a "coup" within parts of the security sector by "de-Syrianizing" it and appointing new personnel: Wafiq Jezzini as director general of the General Security service; Ashraf Rifi as director general of the Internal Security Forces (ISF); Antoine Shakour as head of the Regional Gendarmerie; Joseph Hajal as ISF chief of staff; Mohammad Qassem as head of the Central Administration; Adnan Laqqis as head of the Embassies and Public Administrations Security service; Robert Jabbour as head of the Mobile Forces; Samir Kahwaji as head of the Social Services Administration; Anwar Yahya as head of the Judicial Police; and Nabil Merea as head of the Beirut Police. Elias Keikati was named director general of the State Security service. Within the army, Shawqi Masri was named chief of staff and Georges Khoury head of the Military Intelligence service. Finally, Antoine Kheir was appointed supreme judge of the Supreme Judicial Council.
Operationally, the government has created a $30 million Central Information Bureau (CIB) that is in charge of coordinating the functions of all security institutions and of receiving, analyzing, and evaluating information and reporting it to the Council of Ministers.
The government has also increased the number of riot police from 350 to 850 (bearing in mind that the force, according to Rifi, needs at least 3,500 men to be effective); while the number of ISF members has gone up from 13,000 to 19,000 (though, says Rifi, the security forces require no less than 30,000 men). In addition, the government has installed thousands of close circuit security cameras inside and around Beirut.
The government has also embarked on a program to mechanize the administrative and judicial divisions of all security institutions. It is in the process of constructing additional security centers throughout the country, a modern security training institute in the town of Aramoun, and a separate high-tech building for the command structure of the ISF that would contain state-of-the-art surveillance equipment designed for preventive security policy and counterterrorism procedures.
Siniora has also been successful in securing adequate funding from the European Union for the implementation of short-term and long-term security reform programs. Recently in Washington, the head of the Future Movement, Saad Hariri, assured me that the United States government was committed to modernizing and upgrading the Lebanese Army, while the Europeans were going to both normatively and empirically assist in reforming the internal security apparatus.
For all the government's valuable accomplishments in security reform, however, there remain major practical deficiencies and normative loopholes, not to mention simple political errors.
The first problem is that the state's security reform agenda addresses the security situation from a purely technical perspective. The government has completely overlooked the institutional and political dimensions of the security problem, which are essential. Furthermore, the government has not articulated a clear national security policy which would identify the sources of internal and external threats facing Lebanon and usefully orient the country's security and military resources toward confronting them.
From a good governance perspective, the security appointment process has relied more on political patronage (most of the new security personnel are close to the March 14 coalition) and less on merit - irrespective of the new appointees' competencies. Indeed, the selection process defied the logic of positive competition and democratic politics. Changing persons is one thing, while investing in restructuring institutions is another.
Operationally, while the idea of creating a CIB is praiseworthy, similar projects elsewhere have failed miserably. Moreover, the absence of coordination has so far been painfully clear, for example during the recent rioting in Achrafieh when demonstrators burned the Danish Embassy. This is due to the acute shortage of trust among the various security agencies, because of their different allegiances. These security institutions, as one retired army chief of staff told me, represent political niches for the sectarian communities and reflect the general distribution of political and economic power among the country's sects and ruling elites.
From a political perspective, the government's intent to set up a legalized communications channel with foreign security agencies is potentially worrying. While Lebanon has little chance for sustainable security reform without the technical and normative assistance of foreign governments and security agencies, it is crucial for the government not to allow the exposure of the country's security apparatus to other states under any circumstances. Finding a balance between foreign assistance and state sovereignty, especially in the security domain, is a necessity.
Finally, the government's security reform agenda falls short of addressing the creation of an independent oversight and inspection body (sort of a military ombudsman) that could investigate the security services' performance. Also, the government has yet to adopt Michel Aoun's promising suggestion to create a parliamentary intelligence oversight committee, perhaps due to the ambient political divisiveness.
For all the effort and good faith that the Siniora government has so far put into security reform, Lebanon seems to be off to a wrong start. That shortcoming, needless to say, will have an impact on the quality of national security, but also on political stability.
**Bilal Y. Saab is a Middle East strategic and security studies analyst. He wrote this commentary for THE DAILY STAR.

Presidential question is not a consensus issue -- Lahoud
By Omar Halabi BEIRUT, March 9 (KUNA) -- Lebanese President Emile Lahoud considers planned resumption of the National Dialogue Conference on Monday as of paramount necessity and cautions that its deadlock may negatively affect general conditions in the country, sources close to the president said on Thursday. The sources told KUNA that the president "believes that its is quite normal for the conference to last a long time for further consultations for reaching a speedy settlement may not constitute a viable understanding." Top leaders of the country's diverse political trends plan to resume talks at the Parliament Building in downtown Beirut on Monday, following a series of sessions to discuss prospect of reaching consensus on some of the top controversial issues, such as the arms of the Lebanese resistance and the Palestinian fighters as well as status of the frontier Shebaa farms. The president hopes that the conferees will reach a consensus on destiny of the Palestinian arms, national role of the resistance and the Lebanese identity of the farms "because such an aspired agreement will be tantamount to a new road map for future Lebanon." As to the status of the presidency, the sources quoted the president as saying that the debates among the diverse groups showed lack of a consensus on this issue, indicating at bids by "some forces that have been trying to elect a new president who is not as much adamant on national principles" as himself. Lahoud was alluding to calls by his opponents to step down ahead of expiry of his term in 2007.
Lahoud played down significance of the consensus on the necessity of revealing culprits of the 2005 assassination of the former premier, Rafic Al-Hariri...

U.S. Offers to Equip Army with Surveillance Gear to Stop Infiltrations From Syria
The United States has offered to provide the Lebanese army with electronic surveillance equipment to be installed at the border to protect the country against infiltrations from Syria.
An Nahar newspaper said Thursday that the foreign ministry has received an official letter from the U.S. embassy asking the government to improve its border control for fear that militants from Iraq may infiltrate into the country from Syria.
The front-page report said Washington offered Beirut to provide the army with electronic surveillance equipment to enhance its ability to exercise more control over its frontier with its neighbor.
Over the past week, the army has been deploying troops along the eastern and northern border in preparation for setting up posts and closing down illegal crossroads between the two countries.
On Tuesday, An Nahar reported that the military has dispatched patrols to survey positions along the northern frontier where it plans to install permanent border posts. The move followed a deployment last week in the northern Bekaa in the east to thwart smuggling between the two countries and eliminate illegal crossing points.
In recent months, authorities have been alarmed by the influx of arms and militants from Syria to Lebanon.
In January, authorities arrested an al-Qaida cell affiliated with the notorious Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and charged its members with attempting to stage terrorist operations. Newspapers reported that the militants had crossed the border into Lebanon after spending years in Syria.
The arrest of the 13 extremists-- three Lebanese, seven Syrians, a Saudi, a Jordanian and a Palestinian – came one month after
Zarqawi claimed responsibility for a rocket attack on Israel from south Lebanon.
Acting Interior Minister Ahmed Fatfat recently told the French Liberation newspaper that al-Qaida has been looking to establish itself in Lebanon and had sent fighters to the country where it was also searching for local recruits. He said the group had several factions, including one controlled by Syrian intelligence.
Other infiltrators have included Palestinian guerrillas of the Syrian-backed Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC) lead by Ahmed Jibreel. The group controls bases in the border areas of Deir Al Ashaer and Sultan Yaacoub in the Bekaa and in the Naameh hills south of Beirut.
The March 14 anti-Syria coalition has accused Damascus of sending Palestinian guerrillas to destabilize the country following Syria's withdrawal from Lebanon in April 2005.
The United States also blames Bashar Assad's regime of allowing foreign fighters to infiltrate into Iraq from its territory to join the anti-American insurgency.
Beirut, Updated 09 Mar 06, 10:42

Losses Renew a Lebanese Healer: Son's Death Brings Prominent Journalist, 80, Back Into Fray
By Anthony Shadid -Washington Post Foreign Service
BEIRUT -- When Ghassan Tueni returned to parliament this year, taking a seat he first held during the Korean War, he stood before the hushed deputies and renewed an appeal rarely heard in Lebanon.
"Let us bury our grudges and grief," he declared, his thick, gray hair combed back but a little unruly.
The words were brief, almost perfunctory. But they suggested something about him, about his people and about the uncertain future of one of the Arab world's smallest, freest and most Byzantine of countries.
Tueni is 80 years old. He is Lebanon's foremost journalist, a storied diplomat and a respected intellectual. Some also call him a modern-day Job, the biblical figure whose string of misfortunes never defied his faith. Tueni lost his wife and daughter to cancer, a son to a car accident, and his last child, the journalist and politician Gebran Tueni, to an assassin's car bomb in December. Tueni speaks little of his pain, out of pride and dignity. But in a country defined less by citizenship and more by its fractious sects, his suffering and reputation have placed him tentatively above the fray. And in his twilight, he insists, he has another role to play as Lebanon is perched between the promise of long-delayed independence from foreign influence and a morass of competing loyalties.
"I think I can create a current, yes," Tueni said, as his driver navigated through a gritty neighborhood, clad in the posters, banners and iconography of religious Shiite Muslims. "It makes me feel very worried. I might bump my head into a wall." He paused, looking out the windshield. "But it might create a breakthrough. I don't know. I have to try. I have to try very hard."
In Lebanon today, he sees a collection of tribes, defined by collective memories. What he wants is a secular notion of citizenship, a state that becomes a nation gathering its strength through its diversity.
Tueni's return to political life is more than the story of one man's career. To some, he has emerged as a symbol, a man whose history transcends the sectarian squabbles that, at times, have paralyzed Lebanon, splintered as it is among 18 religious and ethnic communities, shadowed by an unresolved 15-year civil war and vulnerable to the machinations of neighboring Syria.
To others, he represents a figure from the past that no longer resonates in a system where authority is most often derived not by ideas, programs or even ideology, but by the color of a religious banner. In that, he has become obsolete, as Lebanon and much of the Arab world is coalescing around more primordial affiliations -- Christian and Muslim, Sunni and Shiite, Kurd and Arab, and so on.
"Lebanon is still struggling with the same fundamental issues -- how to deal with the question of citizenship, of identity, of the reform of the political system," said Nawaf Salam, a lawyer and professor at the American University of Beirut. "I think he can really play that role of a consensus builder. I believe that. There could be wishful thinking in that, but that's the role I see him playing."
Tueni sees an urgency in that role, even if time is short. "The country is living in a fanatic struggle," he said. "It's not only Lebanon, but Lebanon is a microcosm. Lebanon is a microcosm, and it is the laboratory of dialogue between Christians and Muslims. If you fail here, it's going to fail everywhere else."
Journalist and Politician
By his count, Tueni has published more than 5,000 editorials in a career that has spanned nearly 60 years at an-Nahar, Lebanon's most prestigious newspaper. The newspaper was founded in 1933 by his father, Gebran Tueni, an Arab nationalist at a time when that nationalism was a progressive ideology, dedicated to enlightenment values, opposing tyranny, the rights of women and minorities, and the revival of a dormant Arab culture emerging from centuries under the Turkish-led Ottoman Empire.
Tueni inherited the newspaper and many of those ideas from his father, who died in 1947. He took to politics young, entering parliament in 1951, where he helped lead a campaign to oust Lebanon's president. He was appointed ambassador to the United Nations during some of the worst years of the 1975-90 civil war. And he served as a counselor to Lebanon's president when the country signed an ill-fated treaty in 1983 with Israel, which had invaded a year earlier. But he has probably left his most lasting mark on journalism, helping establish an-Nahar as one of the Arab world's most independent newspapers.
As an editor, he was jailed -- four or five times, he recalled, although he forgets the precise number. He takes a wistful pride as he walks past the front pages that adorn the newspaper's walls: "I feel like I wrote better then than I write now." And during 16-hour days, he plies the newsroom like a reporter, asking staff about the day's big story and what's at stake. His editorial meetings are more intellectual salon than deadline frenzy: At one meeting, the intersection of political Islam and democracy dominated the talk.
"You can't run a newspaper like you run an army or a factory," he said. "Ten columns can't be like 10 pairs of shoes."
Tueni is Lebanese, but that's often code here, to conceal identities rooted in family, clan, town and sect that can sometimes be revealed in the pronunciation of a single letter of the Arabic alphabet. He is Greek Orthodox, a Christian community with roots in Syria, Jordan and Palestine that historically served as a bridge between Lebanon's more numerous Maronite Catholics and its Muslim sects. He considers himself an Arab; there is a part of Islam, he once said, in every Christian in the Middle East. He is a defiant Lebanese nationalist, but sees a shared history, culture and identity between Syria and Lebanon.
His lifelong friend, George Khodr, the Greek Orthodox bishop of Mount Lebanon, said he would describe Tueni as he identifies himself, in a complicated formula: "a Syro-Byzantine of Arab heritage and Lebanese loyalty."
Tueni's pursuits are no less eclectic. On his shelves are volumes of the writings of Imam Ali, the Prophet Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law, that serve as a model for Arabic, much as the speeches of Cicero did for Latin. Other books compete for space: "The Muslim Jesus," Khalil Gibran's "The Prophet" and the works of Adonis, one of the greatest living Arab poets. He quotes Immanuel Kant in speeches, which can glide effortlessly among French, English and Arabic.
By virtue of age or interest, his conversations often meander into tangents: the impact of ancient Phoenician, for instance, on the dialect of modern Lebanese in the northern city of Tripoli. But he retains the edge of his occasionally acerbic editorials, which appear every Monday in an-Nahar. To friends, it is one of his qualities: a cosmopolitan fighter, even if as recently as a year ago his profile had faded as his 48-year-old son, Gebran, steered an-Nahar in his own direction.
"He is an open person, but not a soft person," said Ahmad Beydoun, a sociologist at the Lebanese University. "Above all, in a country where politics is far from being refined, Ghassan is a refined man, and this is very important when you find yourself in the middle of rather primitive language in Lebanese politics -- primitive identities, primitive behavior and primitive language."
Loss and Renewal
Tueni's return to Lebanon's political life this year was born of tragedy.
On Dec. 12, Gebran, named for Ghassan's father, was killed. Eighty-eight pounds of TNT packed in a car blew his armored sport-utility vehicle over the side of a hill in an attack that many blamed on Syria.
Gebran was Tueni's last surviving child. He lost his 7-year-old daughter Nayla to cancer, the disease that later killed his wife, the poet Nadia Tueni. His son Makram, named for an Egyptian Christian leader, was killed in a car accident in France in 1987.
At Gebran's funeral, in a speech his friends said was unrehearsed, Tueni spoke to the mourners.
"I call today not for revenge, hatred or blood," he said. "I call that we bury with Gebran all the hatred, all the controversies. I call on all the Lebanese, Muslims and Christians to be united in the service of great Lebanon, in the service of its Arab cause."
The words reverberated across Lebanon. Here was a call distinct from the usual vows of revenge. Within days, Tueni had reemerged as someone who many Lebanese hoped could chart a path that was independent of communal politics. He took over at an-Nahar for his son and ran unopposed for his seat in parliament. He participated this week in a national dialogue, the most high-profile talks among political factions since the civil war. Among his admirers was Ayatollah Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah, Lebanon's senior Shiite cleric.
"This is a man overwhelmed by grief who found a moment to say, 'Enough,' and this is really what endeared him to so many," said Samir Khalaf, a sociologist at the American University of Beirut. "People like this are rare in our political culture."
A frame sits on Tueni's desk. On one side is his wife in her younger days, writing at a desk. On the other is a portrait before she died in 1983. Each day, he turns the frame, depending on his mood.
Her study at his home is as it was when she died, he said, the light still on every night. Nothing was touched in Gebran's office at an-Nahar. He recalled the death of his other son, whose picture sits behind his desk. After the accident, Makram was in a coma for 20 days. "I would talk, and I didn't know if he was hearing," Tueni said. "He was looking at me, but I didn't know if he was seeing."
"I don't cope with all this loss," he said, sitting in the newspaper office.
"I've built myself a world where I think the dead people are still alive with us, particularly Nadia."
"I think . . . . " His breath quickened, then he fell silent. He nodded his head.
"I've decided I'm going to be two men: the man I'm speaking about and the man who's speaking," he said.
The night Gebran was killed, Tueni addressed weeping journalists in the newsroom. "It is not the time for tears, but for action," he said. "Everyone to work. An-Nahar has to hit the newsstands tomorrow." He then saw the proposed headline for the next day's issue -- a mundane account of the car bomb that he recalled thinking was stupid. He dictated a new one: "Gebran didn't die, and an-Nahar will continue."
Then he left.
'Impossible Victories'
Beirut is a city of perspectives. Its downtown rises from the sea, a brash vision of modernity that exemplifies the cosmopolitan culture of a coast. Much of the rest of the city slides down from the mountains, inheriting age-old disputes. Politics there, shaped by the centuries-old bargaining between religious communities, has brought long periods of stability and intermittent bursts of bloodshed.
On a recent day, Tueni navigated the two worlds. His workday began at noon, at a meeting with local officials from the neighborhood he represents. "Folkloric," he called it. It was followed by condolences for a member of parliament who had died. It was there that the mood of the country intersected with its almost desperate desire for an alternative to politics-as-usual.
Sabah Haj, a 69-year-old retired academic, ran up to Tueni as he entered the church along a busy street. "You can play a role now that no one else can play," Haj blurted out.
Tueni smiled, then moved on.
A recent headline in an-Nahar sums up the mood today: "Lebanese are drowning in their sectarianism." Some are reluctant to buy real estate too close to the Green Line that separated Christian East Beirut from the predominantly Muslim west during the civil war. Anger at the pro-Syrian stance of Shiite leaders is more pitched than ever.
"I'm afraid that we won't be able to build a state with all these confessions, especially since everyone is so hypocritical," said Khodr, the bishop. "They all speak of the nation, when all they seek are their sectarian interests."
Tueni fits uneasily in any of those categories, which is part of his appeal. He calls the sway of the militarized political party Hezbollah over the Shiite community it claims to represent "intellectual terrorism." Although he is a devout Christian, he dismisses Michel Aoun, a former general who has emerged as the country's most powerful Christian figure, as "a psychological case."
Tueni's thoughts run deeper: how Christians, a minority in Lebanon, can continue to play a role that Christian communities in places such as Syria and Egypt long ago ceded. He remains certain of one thing: The role cannot come through force.
"This is a war of impossible victories," he said, smoking a thin cigarette.
The broader challenge is how to forge a country greater than its parts. In that, he asks the questions that began his political career and that dominated the life of his father: Is there an identity -- be it Arab, Lebanese or something new -- that can transcend religious affiliations that tend toward the tribal? Is there a notion of citizenship that can ensure rights that only individual communities guarantee now?
At the same time, he worries about a social and political brand of Islam dominant today that he believes has to reform itself.
"I think the challenge precisely is integrating this country along national, patriotic lines and redefining religion. I think the real reform has to be within the religions. We have to teach secularism," he said. "Not secularism in that it's anti-religious. It's anti-transforming the religions into tribes. Because this is what we have now -- a tribal war."
Optimistic? Not necessarily, he said. "But at least I'm not desperate."
Past and Promise
In his maiden speech on his return to parliament, after he called for forgiving grudges, Tueni made a suggestion unusual for a Christian lawmaker: He asked Lebanon's government to take the initiative in starting a dialogue with Hamas, the radical Islamic group that won a majority of seats in the Palestinian parliament. In it, he says, he sees a potential for pragmatism, and pragmatism is good for Lebanon.
"I will probably be listened to," he said beforehand.
The debate continues on Tueni's role -- throwback or way forward?
Khodr is doubtful. Tueni's ideals may remain, he said, but his time has passed.
"He is quite old now," he said. "I don't think that he can really make any change."
But Salam, the lawyer, wonders. Unlike many of today's leaders, who preside over the peace that ended their war, Tueni has no blood on his hands. His community never had a militia. Through his career, he has been more outsider than operative. He sits in parliament as a defiantly secular voice, and his newspaper -- his once again -- reflects his vision.
Throwback or way forward?
Salam thought about the question. "Those are not mutually exclusive," he said.
Special correspondent Lynn Maalouf contributed to this report. Beirut, Updated 06 Mar 06, 13:50 '

Watchdog Clears Way for Security Council Action on Iran
Naharnet 9.3.06: The U.N. nuclear watchdog opened the way for Security Council action against Iran over its atomic program, prompting Tehran to threaten Washington with "harm and pain" for leading the charge.
A report on Iran's program, which the West fears is hiding a covert drive for the atom bomb, will now be sent to the U.N. body in New York, U.S. ambassador Gregory Schulte told reporters in Vienna.
A top U.S. official in Washington said the dossier would be brought up next week at the Security Council.
"If Iran doesn't respond to words, we believe the world community should entertain the possibility of sanctions," Under Secretary of State Nicholas Burns told a House of Representatives committee.
"But it's going to be incumbent upon our allies around the world to show that they are willing to act," he added.
Iran said Thursday it was still open to talks, but stuck by its refusal to return to a full freeze of sensitive atomic work.
"Iran will not give up its right to research and development because this is against the wishes of the Iranian people," senior national security official Abdol Reza Rahmani-Fazli told state media in Tehran.
"The Islamic Republic of Iran is ready to cooperate with the IAEA in order to achieve its rights, but will not accept the politicization of the nuclear case," said Rahmani-Fazli, the deputy of top Iranian negotiator Ali Larijani.
"The principle of negotiations as a way to answer all questions is considered open," he added.
In Vienna, the International Atomic Energy Agency wrapped up a three-day regular meeting that focused Wednesday on the Iranian standoff, with an assessment by IAEA director Mohamed ElBaradei.
He said it was still possible to reach a political settlement and urged all sides to "lower the rhetoric" to achieve this.
"This is simply a new phase of diplomacy, an extension of diplomatic efforts to find a solution," ElBaradei said.
Unlike the IAEA, the Security Council has enforcement powers and can impose punitive measures, including sanctions.
Meanwhile, key members of the U.N. Security Council huddled informally at U.N. headquarters in New York to mull a response to Iran's nuclear program. Envoys of Britain, China, France, Russia and the United States, the so-called P-5 (five veto-wielding, permanent members of the Council) wound up a private meeting with no word on their next step.
"We agreed to come back Friday afternoon," China's U.N. envoy Wang Guangya told reporters. "The situation is very serious. But I think all the measures must not aggravate the situation. We must find a way out of this."
Tehran has proposed suspending industrial-scale enrichment but doing research work, but the West says even small-scale enrichment is too dangerous.
Iranian security official Javad Vaidi, who led the Iranian delegation in Vienna, threatened reprisals against the U.S.
"The United States may have the power to cause harm and pain but it is also susceptible to harm and pain," he said.
"So if the United States wishes to choose that path, let the ball roll."
But the White House warned that Iran had deepened its international isolation with its threats.
"I think that provocative statements and actions only further isolate Iran from the rest of the world," White House spokesman Scott McClellan told reporters during a trip by President Bush to New Orleans.(AFP)
Beirut, 09 Mar 06, 10:50

A Visit to Martyr-Land
By: Ghassan Charbel Al-Hayat - 09/03/06//
My office at Dar al-Hayat in Beirut has taught me a lesson about the weight of geography. Perhaps geography was the only fixed and unchanging thing. History sees versions and interpretations, and witnesses attempts to distort and beautify.
Geography is frank and harsh, with not much room for independent interpretations. Although sects, states and peoples fall, very often, into the trap of dreams, vendettas and delusions coming from the memory, the borders of geography remind them of the need to rationalize dreams, and rein in delusions.
For more than a year in this office, while passing through Beirut, my stay here has given me a measure of hope. The vision of Lebanese, and Arab and foreign tourists, making their way around the Beirut Central District confirmed the soundness of Rafik Hariri's wager on reviving the capital from the destruction of the war, a process that could open the door to reclaiming the State, the citizen, and the nation. It didn't bother me that my office looked out over the statue of martyrs in Martyrs' Square, who were punished by the Ottoman rulers for committing the crime of dreaming of Independence. Peoples sometimes need martyrs. Their blood stiffens people's resolve and protects their unity. Their blood is the song, and the pillow, of peoples. The problem begins when a nation begins to have a constant need for martyrs.
It didn't hurt me that the office was a few steps away from Parliament, despite the pains and terrors, and experts in the science of submission, seen by the seats in this building. I believed that the presence of an elected Parliament was better than learning the dance of democracy at the hands of the Americans. One of the good things about democracy is its ability to rely on the voters to reduce the number of anti-democratic infiltrators.
A few days ago, I stopped in Beirut, coming from Sanaa. As luck had it, sessions of Lebanon's national dialogue were being held a few steps away from the Al-Hayat building, amid strict security arrangements to guarantee the safety of those taking part in dialogue. However, they justified anxiety about the safety of the nation.
With the launch of dialogue in the nearby building, the weight of geography returned to me, after this feeling grew over the course of a year. On one side, the office looks on to the mausoleum of PM Rafik Hariri, a figure whose stature cannot be contained in this space. On the other side, the office looks on to the An-Nahar building, the newspaper that took the blow this year of having two medals of martyrdom pinned to its chest, Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir. The scene is complete as I remember the coffin of George Hawi, as it exited the neighboring church. As if it was written that the roaring voice that launched the call of the first resistance to Israel should not fall on the battlefield that he was fully ready to lay down his life for.
The weight of these martyrs caused my mind to wander and consider various things. I imagined what could happen if these 4 martyrs stormed the hall where national dialogue was taking place, asking participants to issue a short resolution, saying that the nation represented an opportunity for life; no one had the authority to turn into a factory for producing martyrs. A nation afflicted with the permanent hunger for martyrs is a nation that wastes the blood of these martyrs.
I remembered that the blood of these 4 martyrs was present on the table of dialogue, even if they would not actually storm that place, and that the blood of all martyrs was present, whether they fell on the borders or in local wars. The head of the resistance carries with him the sacrifices of martyrs of the resistance in south Lebanon, full of a personal pain. His son was among those who spilled their blood to regain every inch and protect every inch of territory. Ghassan Tueni has the pain of two martyrs: with one he shared blood and memories, with the other ink and dreaming. Walid Jumblatt has the blood of his father, exactly like Saad Hariri. Amin Gemayel has the blood of his brother, the President. Samir Geagea carries the weight of years in prison and the blood of thousands who joined the Lebanese Forces, and its battles. Michel Aoun has the weight of exile and his exit from the Presidential Palace amid the thunder of artillery and the blood of the soldiers who were with him. The engineer of the dialogue, has participated in burying martyrs.
Martyrs, martyrs, martyrs.
We bow to their sacrifices and their blood. However, the responsibility of those who have taken up the mantle of the blood of martyrs lies in seeing the nation renew its chance to live. For this purpose, let all the decisions be taken, no matter how difficult and painful. Within me, I fear that the above is merely a passing dream, committed by a visitor residing in an office residing in front of Martyrs' Square, and among the martyrs. But I feel that a single recommendation can unite the caravans of martyrs, from their various wars, namely that protecting the blood of martyrs comes by turning it into an opportunity for a nation that doesn't need more martyrs, or more plans for wars and delusions.