LCCC ENGLISH NEWS BULLETIN
NOVEMBER 12/06
Biblical Reading For today
Latest New from miscellaneous sources for November 12/06
Hezbollah engages in fear mongering after failed dialogue-Ya LibnanLebanese crisis talks fail-Aljazeera.net - Qatar
Hizbullah, Amal Cabinet Ministers Resign as Talks Collapse-NaharnetLebanon talks on govt change collapse: Aoun-Reuters
Lebanon government talks collapse, showdown looms-Malaysia Star
UN Laments Slow Cluster Bomb Clearance-Naharnet
Blair will urge US to talk to Syria and Iran-Guardian Unlimited
Lebanon Receives Hariri Draft Document-Guardian Unlimited
UN urges Israel to cease flights over Lebanon-ABC Online
Senior IDF officer to face dismissal for July kidnappings-Ha'aretz
Mideast expert: Hezbollah can't be allowed to rearm-Cleveland Jewish News
Judge seeks detention of ex-Iran leader-Houston Chronicle
Charitable giving, money laundering and terrorism-Statesman Journal
Blair to push US to talk to Syria, Iran: report-Khaleej Times
Lebanon's UN rating for living standards improved-Ya Libnan
Reigning champion Ashland loses to Lebanon-Mail Tribune
Hamas And PLO Make Some Progress In Syria Talks-Playfuls.com
A budding, bipartisan consensus on Iraq-Los Angeles Times
Israelis deserve better-Ynetnews
Lebanon government talks collapse, showdown looms
By Nadim Ladki
BEIRUT (Reuters) - Talks to defuse Lebanon's simmering political crisis collapsed on Saturday after anti-Syrian leaders rejected demands from Hezbollah and its allies for a decisive say in government.
The failure of the week-long talks could mean Lebanon's deep political rifts will provoke confrontation on the streets of Beirut at a time of rising sectarian tension between Sunni and Shi'ite Muslims.
Lebanese Christian Maronite leader Samir Geagea speaks to reporters after a rival political leaders' meeting in Beirut November 11, 2006. Talks to defuse Lebanon's simmering political crisis collapsed on Saturday after anti-Syrian leaders rejected demands from Hezbollah and its allies for a decisive say in government. (REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir) It could also complicate passage in government of a U.N. draft of the framework of a special court to try the killers of former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri. Lebanon received from the United Nations on Friday a draft document outlining the structure and legal framework of the tribunal. Prime Minister Fouad Siniora called a cabinet meeting for Monday to discuss the draft.
"We did not reach a result today and the session was ended without setting a date for a new session," Christian opposition leader Michel Aoun, a Hezbollah ally, told reporters after a fourth round of talks. Anti-Syrian participants confirmed the talks had failed but tried to ease fears the crisis would spill onto the streets. "I don't know who is spreading a climate of fear and tension as if something is about to happen. Nothing will happen," said Samir Geagea, leader of the Lebanese Forces, a Christian party in the anti-Syrian camp. There was no immediate word from Hezbollah on its next move. Shi'ite Hezbollah, which claimed victory in its war with Israel in July and August, has led calls for a change in the government dominated by anti-Syrians from the Sunni-led majority bloc in parliament.
DEADLINE
The pro-Syrian party has threatened mass demonstrations demanding new parliamentary elections unless more of its allies are admitted to the cabinet by mid-November. Hezbollah accuses Siniora of failing to back it during the war and of supporting U.S. and Israeli demands for the disarmament of its guerrillas. The majority coalition is willing to bring in Aoun but not to surrender a third of seats to the opposition. A third of ministers plus one can block motions in cabinet and automatically bring down the government by resigning. The United States and its allies in Lebanon are not keen to see Hezbollah, which Washington regards as a terrorist organisation, to have more influence over the government.
Hezbollah and its Shi'ite allies have five ministers in Siniora's 24-member cabinet. Rival demonstrations by the pro- and anti-Syrian camps would further destabilise Lebanon and could degenerate into violence. Some anti-Syrian politicians said Hezbollah had tried but failed to offer its consent to pass the Hariri tribunal in return for a third of government seats. The 2005 killing of Hariri led to mass protests against Syria, which many Lebanese blamed for the assassination. Damascus denies any involvement. Under international pressure, Syria ended a 29-year military presence in its smaller neighbour in April last year and anti-Syrian politicians swept to victory in ensuing elections. A U.N. commission investigating the murder has implicated senior Lebanese and Syrian security officials. (Additional reporting by Laila Bassam) Copyright © 2006 Reuters
Lebanon talks on govt change collapse: Aoun
Sat Nov 11, 2006 s
Russia, Iran to work on resumption of six-party talks
Abbas sees unity govt, U.S. vetoes UN resolution
Bush talks of change, car bombs kill 8
BEIRUT (Reuters) - Talks to defuse Lebanon's simmering political crisis collapsed on Saturday after anti-Syrian leaders rejected demands from Hezbollah and its allies for a decisive say in government. "We did not reach a result today and the session was ended without setting a date for a new session," Christian opposition leader Michel Aoun, a Hezbollah ally, told reporters after a fourth session of talks. The failure of the week-long talks, convened by Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, opens the door for a sharp escalation of tensions that could plunge the country into chaos
Hizbullah, Amal Cabinet Ministers Resign as Talks Collapse
Five Shiite ministers resigned from Premier Fouad Saniora's government Saturday, citing the collapsed negotiations to give Hizbullah and its allies more power in the Lebanese cabinet. The resignation of the pro-Syrian Hizbullah and Amal ministers came after the country's top rival leaders failed to reach agreement on the formation of a national unity government. "We have resigned because the majority insists on exercising power on its own," the head of Hizbullah's parliamentary bloc Mohammed Raad said, referring to the anti-Syrian majority that has baulked at forming a unity government without first having guarantees that pro-Syrian President Emile Lahoud will step down. "We don't want ministers who blindly follow the majority," Raad said. "This is about giving a warning to the majority." Hizbullah and Gen. Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement have been repeatedly calling for the formation of a national unity cabinet. The Shiite group has also threatened street protests that could bring down the government if its share in cabinet portfolios is not increased. In a sign of worsening tensions, Aoun said the roundtable talks in parliament had failed to produce an agreement.
"The session was adjourned without assigning a new date for another round of talks," Aoun told reporters in a terse statement.
"We failed to reach an agreement or understanding and consequently we left (the talks)," said legislator Butros Harb.
Other politicians tried to downplay the breakup of the talks. Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea acknowledged the dialogue had failed to reach any agreement but suggested the talks would resume at a later stage. "We want to continue consultations until the last minute," he said, adding that the meeting was stopped partly because Speaker Nabih Berri was scheduled to leave for Iran. Saturday's session was the fourth this week aimed at solving differences between Lebanon's bickering politicians. The resignations also came after PM Saniora called for a cabinet meeting Monday to endorse the U.N. draft text of the international tribunal to try former PM Rafik Hariri's killers. President Lahoud opposed the meeting, saying he needed more time to study the draft. Lebanon on Friday received a draft document setting up an international court to try suspects in the 2005 assassination of Hariri.
Hizbullah has two portfolios in the 24-minister cabinet which is dominated by anti-Syrian politicians. Berri's Amal movement has also two ministers, while the fifth minister to quit, also Shiite, is close to Hizbullah. Saniora in a statement rejected the submission of resignations although the ministers' withdrawal does not immediately dissolve the government but it makes it more difficult for the prime minister to govern. Beirut, 11 Nov 06, 19:27
U.N. Draft on Hariri Murder Tribunal to Hold 'Superintendent' Responsible
A U.N. international tribunal draft text handed to Lebanon on Friday has maintained its power to try "superintends and their subordinates" in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. The leading daily An Nahar said Saturday that the new draft had obviously obliterated the phrase "heads of states" from its document. "The person in charge and his subordinate will be held responsible for any crime he commits," the paper quoted article 3 of chapter 1 as saying. The paper also said the assassination of former Prime Minsiter Rafik Hariri would not be defined as a "crime against humanity" or a "terrorist crime."The draft text gives the international court the power to try suspects involved in the 14 bombings that had rocked Lebanon "if a link between these attacks was proven," An Nahar said. Fourteen bombings, assassinations and murder attempts have shaken Lebanon since October 2005. Hariri was assassinated on February 14, 2005 in a massive bomb blast on the Beirut seafront that also killed 22 others. The United Nations on Friday handed Lebanon a new draft text outlining the framework of an international tribunal to try Hariri's suspected assassins. The handover of the final draft by U.N. representative Geir Pedersen to Prime Minister Fouad Saniora sets in motion the process of creating a "tribunal with an international character" as authorized by the U.N. Security Council to try suspects in the bombing that transformed Lebanon. A U.N. probe into the murder has implicated senior officials from Lebanon and Syria, which for decades was Lebanon's power-broker. Damascus strongly denies any connection with the killing.
Syrian protégé President Emile Lahoud had objected to an earlier draft of the court's ruling, declaring that the Lebanese constitution gives him the final say. In September, the Lebanese government said that a tribunal proposal submitted at the time needed clarification before a final version was adopted, without saying what issues were outstanding. U.N. Chief Kofi Annan first suggested setting up the court of foreign and Lebanese judges in March.After receiving the new draft, the next step is for the Lebanese government to approve it and ask parliament to pass it into law.
However, Lahoud informed Premier Fouad Saniora on Saturday his objection to hold an extraordinary cabinet session on Monday to endorse the court. Beirut, 10 Nov 06, 21:06
Tueni's plan to get rid of Lahoud offers multiple advantages
Saturday, November 11, 2006-Editorial
Apart from an inspiring inauguration speech and a few weeks of popular anticipation, Emile Lahoud's presidency has been an exercise in disappointment. There was initially hope in some quarters that the former army commander would make good on his promise to build a state of laws and accelerate the process of repairing the institutions of government begun under very trying circumstances by his late predecessor, President Elias Hrawi. It soon became apparent, however, that whatever reasons Damascus had for installing Lahoud at Baabda Palace, his political acumen was not among them. The result is that despite years of blanket support from Syria and the odious extension of his term in office, Lahoud has virtually no political footprint in a country over which he is purported to preside. The ersatz constituency that was manufactured on his behalf has long since evaporated, and the only role he can still play is that of spoiler.
For these and other reasons, MP Ghassan Tueni's initiative to hasten Lahoud's departure from Baabda is a welcome development, especially if it works. But Tueni's gambit has even more merit than would otherwise be the case because his strategy is to have Speaker Nabih Berri ask that Lahoud submit his resignation to Parliament. Apart from the numerous benefits of ending a failed a presidency, such a move would also tend naturally to reinvigorate the legislature as an institution by reasserting its authority as a provider of oversight and its credibility as a defender of the national interest.
The reduction of Lebanon's political process to its current labors, starting anew at the most basic level of statecraft, cannot be attributed solely to Lahoud's ample inadequacies; squabbling elites have also contributed to the deterioration by clinging to the old ways associated with fundamental flaws like sectarianism and corrosive tactics like intimidation. Nonetheless, Tueni's strategy could prove a powerful elixir for many of the country's ailments - even if it fails to move the former general out of Baabda. The mere fact of Parliament flexing its muscles would send a clear signal that the system is capable of at least attempting to purge itself of undesirable elements.
This newspaper has repeatedly invited Lahoud to do the right thing and step down so the country can begin to heal its wounds. It is still not too late for him to salvage some small part of a tainted legacy that is otherwise bereft of accomplishment. By removing himself as a source of dangerous divisiveness, he can allow Lebanon and the Lebanese to regain a measure of stability; by doing it through Tueni's mechanism, he can help Parliament become a bulwark against future threats to that stability; by doing it sooner rather than later, he can demonstrate, however partially and tardily, a willingness to put his people's welfare ahead of his own.
UN envoy delivers 'final draft' on court to try Hariri assassins
By Leila Hatoum -Daily Star staff
Saturday, November 11, 2006
BEIRUT: The Lebanese government has received the final draft of an international tribunal that will try those suspected of the assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri, a source close to the government said Friday. The personal representative of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, Geir Pedersen, handed Premier Fouad Siniora the final draft outlining the framework of the tribunal, negotiated by UN and Lebanese legal experts over the past year.Annan sent a letter to the premier Thursday saying: "I wish to be able to indicate to the [UN Security] Council that your government agrees to the draft."The source said the Cabinet was expected to discuss the draft after Siniora returns from a trip to Seoul and Tokyo next week and then refer it to Parliament for ratification. President Emile Lahoud received a copy of the draft from Siniora, as per the constitution, according to Baabda Palace sources, and he will study it before discussing it with the premier, also according to Article 52 of the Constitution.
A previous version of the draft, initially reported as the final version, had been criticized by Russia and China. The submission to the Lebanese government of an altered draft is an indication that discord among the five permanent members of the Security Council over the tribunal has been resolved. International law professor and legal expert Shafic Masri told The Daily Star on Friday that "it is understood Article 3, which gives the tribunal the power to look into crimes against humanity, was removed. This was intended for three reasons. "The first is to narrow the jurisdiction of the tribunal to confine it to the [Hariri] killing only. "The second is to avoid any possibility of trying crimes against humanity or other crimes which may be or may not be related to the original crime," he added. "The third purpose is a personal reason related to Russia's interests in the region."Russia is a traditional ally of Syria and has repeatedly been accused of protecting Damascus against harsh resolutions at the Security Council.
A diplomatic source at the UN said Article 3 would empower the tribunal to handle trials concerning terrorist attacks in Lebanon.
The source added the draft was amended to prevent the tribunal from trying heads of state.The March 14 Forces have accused Lahoud and his Syrian counterpart, Bashar Assad, of orchestrating Hariri's murder.
March 14, Hizbullah strike unyielding poses ahead of key consultation session
By Leila Hatoum -Daily Star staff
Saturday, November 11, 2006
BEIRUT: Tough statements from various sides in Lebanon's current political showdown cast doubt Friday on the chances for headway when leaders convene Saturday morning for the fourth session of national consultation talks. Hizbullah on Friday continued to insist on the expansion of the Cabinet to include more opposition members, while the March 14 Forces reiterated their demands for the ouster of President Emile Lahoud and the creation of an international court to prosecute suspects in the assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri. MP Ghassan Tueni proposed to Speaker Nabih Berri that he ask the president to resign, An-Nahar daily reported on Friday. Tueni told the newspaper that he had informed Berri of a petition being circulated among MPs toward this goal.The March 14 Forces also rejected a Hizbullah demand that discussions on Lahoud's fate be preceded by the formation of a unity government. In an interview Friday with local radio station Sawt Al-Ghad, Hizbullah MP Hassan Fadlallah said participants in the national consultations "have entered a serious phase of discussions on the principle of a national unity government.
"Hizbullah is open to all suggestions as long as they bring us to the desired result, which is the formation of a national unity government," he said.
"We must be partners in this country to get out of this political upheaval and crisis," Fadlallah said. "We are still waiting for more consultations and the crystallization of the final stand of the current majority to decide its choice regarding our initiative."
Fadlallah said that Hizbullah's position on the proposed Hariri tribunal had already been established. "We have made our choice clear on this matter," he said. "We will discuss the draft when it reaches the Cabinet, which unanimously approved the demand to form such a tribunal - a decision we were a part of."Fadlallah rejected efforts to link Hizbullah's demands for a unity government with the formation of the tribunal.
"The Lebanese agree on the necessity of trying the assassins of former Premier Rafik Hariri and to reach the truth," he said.
But March 14 sources said on Friday that Hizbullah was attempting to make the formation of a unity government a condition for the establishment of the new judicial body. Meanwhile, Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Butros Sfeir met with Social Affairs Minister Nayla Mouawad, who said she refused to allow "Syrian-Iranian dialogue" to govern Lebanon. "Nor do we accept that our decision would be in the hands of the international community," she added. "The country's true crisis began with a war which was imposed on us ... and we are paying the price now.
"I reiterate that Hizbullah engaged the country in an adventure and Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah confessed that he had not expected that the price would be this high," she said. "Therefore, we cannot get involved in new adventures, we cannot hand the presidency to one group and thus we cannot put our fate in Hizbullah's hands."Mouawad added, however, that the March 14 "welcomes the participation of MP Michel Aoun in the government."
Saying the current situation "reminds me of the 1989 crisis," Mouawad called on the prelate to launch a dialogue that would "bring the Christians together." In 1989, with the signing of the Taif Accord that ended Lebanon's Civil War, then-General and interim Prime Minister Aoun led fighters against the Lebanese Forces (LF), headed by Samir Geagea, after which Aoun also launched a "war of liberation" against Syrian and Israeli forces stationed inside Lebanon.Lebanese Forces MP George Adwan met separately with Sfeir Friday. After the meeting he said political tensions "will no longer prevail in relations between the LF and Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement."Sfeir met with several other leading Christian politicians Friday, including former President Amine Gemayel, MPs Samir Franjieh and Farid Khazen, and former MP Fares Soueid.
Newsweek interview with Journalist May Chidiac
I Had the Choice'
By Karen Fragala Smith
Newsweek
Updated: 12:30 p.m. ET Nov 9, 2006
Nov. 9, 2006 - The Lebanese have a proverb: “Love truth even if it harms you.” Sometimes it doesn’t just harm them-it gets them killed. Rafik Hariri came into harm’s way in late 2004 when he quit his post as Lebanon’s prime minister. The dangerous truth was that he and many other Lebanese could no longer tolerate Syria’s political and military domination of their country. Four months after his dramatic resignation, a massive streetside bomb killed Hariri as his motorcade was driving through Beirut.
In the days after the assassination, outraged Lebanese poured into the streets. With international support, they finally forced Syria to withdraw its troops. Before the turmoil ended, 14 journalists and politicians had become assassination targets after suggesting that Syrian agents were behind Hariri’s death. One casualty was television journalist May Chidiac, who nearly lost her life when her Range Rover exploded on Sept. 25, 2005. After 10 months of surgeries and demanding physical therapy, Chidiac returned to Lebanese television—minus a hand and a leg. In May, she won the UNESCO World Press Freedom Prize, and last month she received the Courage in Journalism award from the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF). Despite her mutilation, Chidiac remains defiantly outspoken about all the regional forces at play in her country. In her acceptance speech at the IWMF awards http://www.iwmf.org/press/9531, she criticized what she called“private armies”—a reference to Hizbullah, which she did not name—for taking what she called “miscalculated measures” on behalf of all Lebanese; Syria and Iran for supplying weapons to the group and Israel’s “aggression against Lebanon” in July. “I gave my country a hand to fight with, and a leg to kick all the enemies with, and they are not few,” she told the high-profile New York audience. Before flying home to her television and teaching engagements, Chidiac discussed her ordeal—and Lebanon’s future—with NEWSWEEK’s Karen Fragala Smith. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: What has the recovery process been like for you?
Chidiac: I went through 26 surgeries in less than 9 months. I didn't know if I was going to make it. When you lose one arm and a leg on the same side, you don't have balance anymore and you have to get used to a new way of doing things. I have to rely on others' help to put the prosthesis on, and there are many things that I cannot do by myself anymore. It's another kind of life that I am confronting right now. It's not that easy, but I don't have a choice. I have to get used to it. At a certain point, I had the choice between staying in the corner and waiting for death to come, or I had to prove that I was back and say to the killers that they were not able to silence me and that I am here again, the same outspoken woman that I used to be and I will defend the same principles that I believe in.
What is the status of your case?
There is an international inquiry concerning the killing of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and the 14 [attacks] that took place afterwards—[including] my own—[which] are being investigated together. They are considering an international tribunal. I believe there are regimes that are responsible for what happened in Lebanon and they have their local agents in Lebanon. Let's hope they'll be able to put these people in front of a court. I've been hearing that Hizbullah’s leader, Sheik Hassan Nasrallah, is seeking veto power over the proposed international tribunal.
Exactly. They are threatening a confrontation in the streets. I cannot imagine why they are trying to do this to Lebanon. They have to start thinking the Lebanese way and put aside Iranian and Syrian interests. The Cedar Revolution people have the majority in Parliament as the result of the [2005] elections. Now [Hizbullah] wants to change things. They have to wait for the new Parliament elections. Why go to the streets to change things?
What is the role of Hizbullah? The U.S. government classifies it as a terrorist organization with ties to Syria and Iran. But Hizbullah provides food and shelter for the people, and it is also a political party.
They are giving aid to many Lebanese, especially the Shiites, because when you have a poor community, the best way to reach them and make them a part of your movement is to give them all the help you can give. They are a part of the Lebanese community; we cannot deny that. But if they want to be considered a real part of the Lebanese, they have to get rid of their weapons.
White House spokesman Tony Snow has voiced fears that Syria is plotting to topple the Lebanese government-a claim Damascus denies. Do you think Lebanon has the military and political strength to protect its autonomy? I think they have to. We don't have a choice. Now we have [more than] 5,000 UNIFIL [United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon] and 15,000 Lebanese soldiers in the south. The Lebanese government has to be strong enough to defeat all the threats. They have to take drastic measures in order to handle the situation. It's not acceptable to let the enemy come back to our land.The name of your show, "Bikol Joraa" translates to "With Audacity." Since the attack, have you felt any inclination to be less outspoken about your political views?
No. I put a light on every subject that is a concern to the Lebanese people. My work is not to take a side with any party but to put a light on critical issues that other journalists don't dare to talk about. I invite my guests to discuss such issues also. This is how I do things, and I believe that if you are a real journalist you have to do your job the best way that you can.
At one point, you were running for Lebanon’s Parliament, right?
I was still being treated in France, and I was not really ready to go on the battlefield. I just wanted to make the point that I am interested in politics and maybe in the future I will enter the parliamentary elections. This will take place maybe in two years. I think I still have time to really decide what I'll be doing. For the time being, I am back to my work as a journalist.
After months of rehabilitation in France, you returned to Lebanon just before Israel attacked Hizbullah for abducting two Israeli soldiers. What was that homecoming like?I returned to Lebanon on the 11th of July at 5 pm and the next morning everything changed. I wanted to be back in Lebanon. I wanted to see all of my friends. I wanted to be happy again. I wanted to have the beautiful life that we used to have in Lebanon and suddenly I started hearing explosions. I was really angry with all those who put Lebanon in such circumstances but I considered myself lucky to be back. If I was in France, I would have gone crazy. From the beginning, I knew I wanted to go back. I am convinced that I have a lot to do to help Lebanon and I am not a coward. I will not stay away and watch from outside. I have a role to play and I will play it to the end.
Lebanon: Ongoing show of sad politics
By: By Ghassan Rubeiz - The Arab American News
Lebanon is facing a serious domestic political crisis involving Hizbullah. As stated in U.N. Resolution 1701, the international community demands eventual demilitarization of all militias. Given the instability in the region, Hizbullah is not ready to disarm. It is lobbying hard for more influence in the Lebanese cabinet to protect itself from speedy international intervention. Hizbullah has threatened the government that it will stage street demonstrations if the cabinet is not widened to offer the opposition better representation. In a decisive meeting this week the parliament leaders are discussing the possible widening of the cabinet to avoid a crisis of escalating civil disorder. Hizbullah is already represented in the cabinet by two ministers and three additional Shi'a representatives.
It is already difficult for the foreign troops stationed in Lebanon to act as they wish. The U.N. Resolution is structurally difficult to enforce. To de-militarize Hizbullah the newly deployed peace troops need the approval of the weak Lebanese government. If Hizbullah and its political allies are well represented in the cabinet, they can block any unwelcome U.N. intervention. Since Hizbullah expects escalating hostilities from Israel, it wants to maintain its military readiness for the future.
An interesting development in February of this year enhanced Hizbullah's formal stature domestically. Early in the year, Michel Aoun, a popular Christian leader, forged an alliance with Hizbullah to reinforce a "reform and change movement". in the government. As a result, this Shi'a-Christian alliance has become the largest political force in the country. This alliance pledges to work on improved national defense, political reform and electoral change.
Aoun's supporters argue that he has achieved several objectives in his unexpected alliance with a militia movement. Aoun's followers, about half the Christian community, have enhanced their rapport with the Shi'a. The Aoun alliance with Hizbullah may have also softened the Christian community's obsession with Syria's political shadow over the country. Many argue that Aoun has distanced his followers from accepting the dominance of Western foreign policy. Finally, the alliance raises the chances of reforming the electoral law to allow emigrants to vote.
Aoun's critics argue that his alliance with Hizbullah is a pure act of electoral profiteering.
They interpret Aoun's move as a desperate act to advance his chances to be the next President of the Country. His opponents see his embrace of a militia party as an act that undermines the sovereignty of the state.
Hizbullah's formation and its evolution is partially a product of Lebanon's domestic confessional politics. The largest religious communities in Lebanon are the Shi'a (35 to 40 percent), the Christians (30 to 35 percent) and the Sunnis (20 to 25 percent). The current sectarian system offers Shi'a and Sunni the same number of parliament seats and it also offers Christians and Muslims 50/50 power sharing.
There are no accurate or official statistics on the size of the 17 specific confessional communities and there is no agreement on whether the Lebanese abroad qualify as citizens.
According to a national agreement, when the parliament elects a new president next September, he will have to be a Catholic, a Maronite representing the largest Christian sect. When legislators elect a Speaker of the House they will chose a Shi'i. The president of the republic will appoint a Sunni prime minister.
Sectarian power sharing breeds perpetual distrust. Each religious community feels insecure about its future, especially the Christians. Having been intensely exposed to European ways of life, the Christian community of Lebanon is the most secular minded of the three main religious communities. However, this community is glued to the sectarian political system that has guaranteed it privileged representation. But this privilege has been eroding since the Taif Accord that ended the civil war 16 years ago. This agreement reduced the power of the Christian presidency and increased the power of the Sunni Prime Minister.
The Christian community, which has lost about half of its population through emigration over the last few decades, is hesitant to embrace a quota free system. Without quotas Christians anticipate Muslim domination of the parliament. This fear is based on the theory that majority rule in a traditional society does not guarantee minority rights.
There is also Sunni fear of change. In a secular election the Sunnis are afraid of losing political leadership to the Shi'a, the largest community, and the only one that runs a militia. A pure majority-rule political system would also give the Shi'a an edge in governance.
The Shi'a of Lebanon are not immune from anxiety about their future. The population of Shi'a is increasing but their representation in the state remains constant. The Shi'a have been the community of economic under-privilege for several decades. Because of their position on the border they have been exposed to displacement and ruthless attacks from the Israeli army over the last four decades. The summer war precipitated the latest wave of destruction and displacement.
The cease-fire arrangement that ended the war this summer was a band aid solution. The intricacies of Lebanese politics and the regional rivalries were not factored in to the shallow diplomacy of the UN. Resolution 1701 which mandates the eventual demilitarization of Hizbullah, but this resistance movement is not willing to comply soon. The "resistance" does not wish to hand its arms to the state because it does not respect the current regime or trust the circumstances. Hizbullah accuses the Lebanese government of caving in to Israel, U.S. and European demands for de-militarization of armed militias. The government responds by accusing Hizbullah leaders of being agents of Syria and Iran.
The summer war made Hizbullah even more popular than before. A recent poll shows that 58 percent of the voters support Hizbullah. In this week's well-publicized parliamentary encounter Prime Minister Siniora, a pragmatist, is likely to yield to the Hizbullah-Aoun request. But he is also careful not to alienate the U.S. and the donor countries who insist that Hizbullah should be controlled militarily.
The silent majority of the Lebanese population watches politicians debate power–sharing and national defense with disdain and fear for their future. The people desire change but they are not ready for it.
This week's marathon political negotiations are likely to reach a compromise and defuse the crisis. But whatever solution emerges it is not likely to last long. Lebanon is an ongoing show of sad politics. Aoun and Hizbullah should not be ignored but their threats of taking their demands to the streets may not be easily justified, given the current post-war fragility of the country.
http://www.arabamericannews.com/newsarticle.php?articleid=6775
The author is a Lebanese Arab American commentator. His blog is aldikkani.blog spot.com.
Hezbollah Militancy Impedes the Road Back to Normality
Manuela Paraipan
Bucharest, Romania
November 5, 2006
Young Lebanese youths of Hezbollah's al-Mehdi scouts carry a huge banner that reads, "Oh Jerusalem we are coming," during a parade last month to mark "Al-Quds (Jerusalem) International Day." (Photo: Mustapha Mahmoud / AFP-Getty Images)
Recently, Sheikh Naim Qassem said on Al Manar that the aim of the "resistance" is to liberate Jerusalem. Hezbollah will not settle for anything less than that. This sort of declaration is not news. Hezbollah's leadership often uses it in its rally and TV speeches as an electoral platform, but the opinion was in some Western political circles that Hezbollah's leaders are pragmatists, and that they have one speech for the masses and quite a different one at the negotiation table. If there were any doubts before about Hezbollah's seriousness in promoting a fundamentalist Islamic perspective, anti-secular, anti-Western, and anti-Israel, after the conflict it initiated with Israel, there should be none now.
As a consequence of the war, Lebanon is socially, economically, and politically in turmoil. This week, the United States repeated its warnings that Iran and Syria attempt to topple the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, with the help of the Lebanese Shiites. The international community accused Hezbollah of being a state within a state, and there are several U.N. resolutions in this direction, but the party categorically refused to obey the state laws or the international sanctions and disarm.
Lebanon was never a united country in the true sense of the word. It has a multicultural, multi-religious society with former warlords running the country. It is far from being an ideal situation, so the political establishment is in an ongoing negotiation process between the sects. The icing on the cake is that Lebanon has a president that is under suspicion of being implicated in the assassination of Rafiq Hariri. Apparently, the president considered this extremely embarrassing situation as appropriate, and rejected the opposition's request to step down. He plans to continue the mandate Syria prolonged for him until September 2007. Moreover, President Émile Lahoud publicly declared that he is against the international tribunal set up to judge the case of Hariri's assassination. Why so defensive, if really innocent?
After dragging the whole country into the conflict, Hezbollah's leadership threatened "to take the streets" in case the present political establishment of Siniora will not form a national unity government, with Michel Aoun's party included. Further more, Hassan Nasrallah warned that Lebanon would be transformed into a second Iraq if anyone tries to take away its militia's weapons. Hezbollah is on Tehran's payroll and enjoys full Syrian support. With such help, no wonder it increased its weaponry stacks from 22,000 rockets it had at the end of the 34-day conflict with Israel. Now it has 33,000 rockets, all smuggled in right from Syria under the nose of UNIFIL, the United Nations force in Lebanon.
Dangerously, but not surprisingly the U.N. proved once again its uselessness, and the obsolescence of its resolutions, since not even a militia is taking it seriously. At first glance, it seems that no one is up to the game the extremist Shiites are playing in Lebanon. In reality, the EU, the U.S. and other interested parties can stop the current events if they will make a common front and stand up to Iran and Syria. The alternative is for everyone to bury their heads in the sand, and pretend to see nothing while the disaster unfolds.
In the habitual, hypocritical trend of its political conduct, Nabih Berri joined forces with Hezbollah and called for all the political leaders to engage in negotiations over the future of the country. Months before the conflict, and afterwards, the political leaders did nothing more than talk, while the country sunk. Talks are needed as a way to an end, but when there is no such end in sight, it is just a loss of precious time, in Hezbollah's favor. There should be anything else to be discussed at this stage. Lebanon has a constitution, a security and defense apparatus, the Taef agreement, and U.N. Resolutions 1559, 1680, and 1701 that ask for Hezbollah to lay down its weapons, and for Syria to stop interfering in its internal business. If these are not enough, what is?
The reconstruction of the country and discussions about of its approximately $38 billion debt.
Unwisely, but hardly unexpected, the growing and acute issue of Hezbollah's weapons and presidency were not worthy of Berri's schedule. In tradition with the megalomania the party suffers from, Hezbollah announced that since it had a "divine victory" over Israel, it will take the streets of Lebanon, or in other words, hell would break loose on the country if the outcome of the negotiations does not suit its interests. Hezbollah wants to create a situation where it can hold the veto power over the most important issues, its weapons included. Any decedent Lebanese citizen should be asking if this behavior is an example of Hezbollah's patriotism or merely a proof of its agenda.
In February 2006, the Free Patriotic Movement (F.P.M.) of Michel Aoun signed an agreement with Hezbollah.
The implications of such a move on F.P.M.'s behalf are serious and even mystifying to those who know that Gen. Michel Aoun has enthusiastically endorsed the U.N. Resolution 1559.
The latest developments confirm that F.P.M. and Hezbollah made a united front against the parliamentary majority led by Saad Hariri and Walid Jumblatt. The very fact that Hezbollah found itself a Christian ally undermines the chances of Hezbollah consenting to renounce its militia's weapons. From an ideological perspective, these two parties could not have been farther apart. Hezbollah is promoting an Islamic ideology, while F.P.M. prides itself on promoting a secular, liberal-oriented ideology. The only thing they do have in common is the relentless efforts to stay in power. Hezbollah wants business to continue as usual, and Gen. Aoun wants the presidency. Perhaps all is fair in politics, but everything comes at a price. This alliance will not come cheap, either.
Prime Minister Siniora is facing the daunting challenge of maintaining a calm, internal environment to counter Hezbollah's aggressive political and social discourse, while keeping excellent ties with the Occident. Each time Hezbollah and its allies portray themselves as saviors of Lebanon, the Lebanese should remember that Syria has had the same rhetoric. It is not a providential savior Lebanon needs, but a stronger sense of political realism and responsibility.