LCCC ENGLISH NEWS BULLETIN
NOVEMBER 9/06
Biblical Reading For today
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Luke 10,17-24.
The seventy (-two) returned rejoicing, and said, "Lord, even the demons are subject to us because of your name." Jesus said, "I have observed Satan fall like lightning from the sky. Behold, I have given you the power 'to tread upon serpents' and scorpions and upon the full force of the enemy and nothing will harm you. Nevertheless, do not rejoice because the spirits are subject to you, but rejoice because your names are written in heaven." At that very moment he rejoiced (in) the holy Spirit and said, "I give you praise, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, for although you have hidden these things from the wise and the learned you have revealed them to the childlike. Yes, Father, such has been your gracious will. All things have been handed over to me by my Father. No one knows who the Son is except the Father, and who the Father is except the Son and anyone to whom the Son wishes to reveal him." Turning to the disciples in private he said, "Blessed are the eyes that see what you see. For I say to you, many prophets and kings desired to see what you see, but did not see it, and to hear what you hear, but did not hear it."
Free Opinions & Studies
Will Bush Lose Lebanon, Too?By: Dr. Walid Phares 9.11.06
Michael Hayden's modest proposal as CIA director .By David Ignatius 09.11.06
Latest New from the daily Star for November 09/06
General public shows little faith in consultation talks
Picture book celebrates all those 'Lebanese' who left
Witnesses say Israel still has troops in and around Ghajar
Murr touts impending deal on unity Cabinet
Indonesians on their way - or are they?
Jumblatt: Dumping Rizk will hurt Hariri tribunal
UNIFIL investigates reports of thefts by Italian troops
Upgrade of Palestinian bureau to embassy?
Activists meet to discuss drug abuse
Post-conflict Lebanon: the landscape beyond HizbullahUS elections make Rumsfeld a casualty of the war he launched in Iraq
Christian candidate stands alone in Bahraini elections
Car dealers report sales increase over 2005 despite summer ruined by war
Lebanese businesses seek help with war losses
Latest New from miscellaneous sources for November 09/06Syria attacks UN report of arms traffic to Lebanon-Reuters
Israel Begins Pullout from Around Ghajar -Naharnet
Indonesian UNIFIL Troops Depart for Lebanon -Naharnet
Lebanon Leaders to Work out Formula to Avert Showdown in Streets -Naharnet
Rivals prepare for showdown in Lebanon-Ya Libnan
U.N. Urges Immediate Freeze on Use of Cluster Bombs After Lebanon War -Naharnet
Brammertz Holds Talks with Annan -Naharnet
U.N.: No Evidence of Uranium-based Munitions Used in Lebanon -Naharnet
Norway Asks Syria Not to Meddle in Lebanon, Condemns Violations of 1701 -Naharnet
Political bickering over future Lebanese government getting bitter-AsiaNews.itIsrael won't attack IranYnetnews
Indonesian UNIFIL Troops Depart for Lebanon-Naharnet - Beirut
Armenia Should Participate in Peacekeeping Operations in Lebanon-PanARMENIAN.Net
Syria must not meddle: Norway FM- Gulf TimesSyria warns of 'resistance' within months-Ynetnews
Syria slams UN envoy-Al-Bawaba
Syria Shocks PKK-Zaman Online
Will Bush Lose Lebanon, Too?
November 7, 2006; Page A13-Wall Street journal site:
President Bush learns tonight whether Republicans will lose control of the House, the Senate, or both. But what's a mere midterm when his administration is on the verge of losing an entire country? -Naharnet
That country is Lebanon. Twenty months ago, when Syrian troops were abruptly forced out in the so-called Cedar Revolution after a 29-year occupation, the Levantine state was a byword for the ascendancy of the Bush Doctrine. "It's strange for me to say this," the Lebanese Druze leader Walid Jumblatt told columnist David Ignatius in February 2005, "but this process of change has started because of the American invasion of Iraq. I was cynical about Iraq. But when I saw the Iraqi people voting three weeks ago, eight million of them, it was the start of a new Arab world."
Fast-forward to the present and then watch as the Cedar Revolution gets played in reverse. The White House issued a remarkable statement last Wednesday warning of "mounting evidence that the Syrian and Iranian governments, Hezbollah and their Lebanese allies are preparing to topple Lebanon's democratically elected government." That evidence includes recent threats on the lives of leading anti-Syrian figures, about a dozen of whom were assassinated last year. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah has also promised massive demonstrations if his demand for a "national unity" government -- in which he and his allies would gain enough seats in the cabinet to exercise a veto -- is not met by the end of this week.
This could be scene-setting for another civil war, if the Lebanese have the appetite for it. Mr. Nasrallah's opponents, including the notorious Christian militiaman Samir Geagea, have put it about that if Hezbollah goes ahead with its demonstrations they will stage massive counterprotests and perhaps barricade the roads into Beirut.
What would Mr. Nasrallah do then? "He's going to push the troops of others to bring about an incident," speculates Lebanese commentator Walid Phares of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. "He'll start a massive demonstration in front of [Prime Minister Fuad Siniora's] office and demand his resignation. He'll portray himself as the opposition. What he would love most of all is to have the media broadcast the downfall of the Bush-allied government."
That's one scenario, though it probably won't come to that: Mr. Nasrallah would prefer maximum autonomy within the country than actual responsibility over it. Instead, Lebanon's political classes are likely to settle on a compromise that would sacrifice at least one of the three most cherished goals of the Cedar Revolution. The first is disarming Hezbollah, as required by the 1989 Taif Accords and demanded by U.N. Resolutions 1559 and 1701. But that latter resolution, part of the cease-fire agreement arranged by Condoleezza Rice last summer, does more to shield Hezbollah from Israel than the other way around.
Second is a successful conclusion to the U.N. investigation into the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. The investigation, led by low-key Belgian prosecutor Serge Brammertz, is said to be within weeks of wrapping up, and informed U.S. diplomatic sources expect that it will indict senior figures in the Syrian regime, including relatives of President Bashar Assad. But the indictments must be followed by a trial in Lebanon, which Mr. Assad is desperate to quash. Hence the Hezbollah power play: If Mr. Nasrallah and his allies can gain a third of the cabinet's seats, they can prevent the Hariri case from ever going to trial.
Finally, the Cedar Revolution was supposed to put an end to Syria's meddling in Lebanon. But that won't happen if at the end of this week's political negotiations the Lebanese government allows President Emile Lahoud, still and forever a Syrian puppet, to remain in office even as the country moves to early elections. Nor does it help that Mr. Assad continues to prove his worth to Mr. Nasrallah by serving as his main conduit of arms.
In all this, Hezbollah has been helped by the weakness of its domestic opponents. The Cedar Revolution demonstrated that Lebanon's anti-Syrian forces were a majority in the country. But those forces are fractious and unsure of themselves, and Mr. Nasrallah was able to draw down their support by striking a deal with the opportunistic Maronite leader Michel Aoun. Israel's incompetent military campaign last summer was another boon for Mr. Nasrallah, since anything less than his complete defeat in war was bound to embolden him politically.
Then there is the forthcoming report of former Secretary of State James Baker's Iraq Study Group, which is rumored to urge the Bush administration to re-engage Damascus diplomatically. In recent days Mr. Assad has been talking a blue streak about his willingness to make peace with Israel, a signal that he might be willing to play ball on that front and maybe in Iraq if only the administration lets him have his way in Lebanon.
The term for Mr. Baker's advice is "sell-out," and it is entirely characteristic of his past Mideast diplomacy. As an alternative, Mr. Phares argues that Ms. Rice should convene a conference of Lebanese NGOs in Washington as a way of bracing them for what he calls a "second Cedar Revolution." Also noteworthy is the internal Shiite opposition to Hezbollah: "The Shiite community never gave anyone the right to wage war in its name," Sayed Ali al-Amin, the Shiite mufti of Tyre, recently told Beirut's An-Nahar newspaper. With winter approaching and Hezbollah reportedly sharply cutting back on its reconstruction funds to homeless Shiites, there's an opportunity here to discredit Mr. Nasrallah and separate his organization from its religious base.
Saving Lebanon will require focus, nerve and imagination, qualities hitherto absent from Ms. Rice's tenure at State. Maybe if her boss loses his majority in Congress, he'll be less inclined to let the remainder of his legacy go down the drain with it.
Murr touts impending deal on unity Cabinet
By Nada Bakri
Daily Star staff
Thursday, November 09, 2006
BEIRUT: Lebanon's leading politicians are expected to reach a deal over a national unity government, a key demand of Hizbullah and the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), during Thursday's consultation meeting. According to MP Michel Murr, the official assigned to work out a "formula" Wednesday to rescue the country from political crisis, the formation of a national unity government was "70 percent" complete.
"I have so far accomplished 70 percent of my mission, and now I am waiting for the last meeting, which is the most important," with Parliament majority leader MP Saad Hariri, Murr said early Wednesday afternoon.
Murr added that Hariri did not oppose this formula.
Hariri's office said Wednesday evening that the two officials had discussed the new formula, but declined to elaborate. Murr's spokesperson was not available for comment.
Earlier meetings included talks with Speaker Nabih Berri, a close Hizbullah ally and sponsor of the national talks, and FPM leader Michel Aoun.
Murr said following his meeting with Berri that all participants during the roundtable talks on Monday and Tuesday agreed to a Cabinet that includes four ministers from Aoun's bloc.
He added Aoun wanted to be represented in Siniora's Cabinet - whether in its current 24-member form or in an expanded 26-member government.
Either scenario would see the addition of two FPM ministers and two of the party's allies in the Armenian Tashnak Party and the Zahle bloc headed by MP Elie Skaff.
The question is whether two or four current Cabinet members will be tossed.
Hizbullah and the FPM have been demanding a more inclusive government since this summer's war with Israel ended on August 14, to correct what they argue is a misrepresentation of political power.
The two parties threatened to take to the streets to force a change if the anti-Syrian majority refused to meet their demands by mid-November.
Sources close to Murr told the Central News Agency that the former deputy prime minister is looking to bring "a neutral blocking minority" into Siniora's reshaped Cabinet.
http://www.dailystar.com.lb
The sources said participants must choose one of three options: Replace four ministers with FPM ministers; expand Cabinet to 26 members and introduce amendments to certain portfolios; or form a 30-member Cabinet which will guarantee a higher likelihood of pleasing all parties.
Hizbullah and Amal, headed by Berri, have five ministers, pro-Syrian President Emile Lahoud has three ministers, including Defense Minister Elias Murr, Justice Minister Charles Rizk and Environment Minister Yaacoub Sarraf.
Attaining one-third of Cabinet would allow the opposition to block any Cabinet decision it did not support.
However, media reports said Wednesday that Lahoud will not approve any new government that includes Rizk, who has not seen eye to eye with the president on key issues as of late.
Rizk told the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation on Wednesday that he has had "differences of opinion" with Lahoud since the formation of Siniora's Cabinet on two main issues: judicial appointments and an international tribunal to try those accused of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
The Central News Agency quoted sources close to Berri on Wednesday as saying that
a breakthrough might be pos-sible on Thursday "if the right Arab and international coverage is available."
But these sources said it was unlikely that a new government would be formed - if a deal is
reached Thursday - before November 13, the deadline Hizbullah set for a new Cabinet.
Hizbullah MP Hussein Fadlallah said Wednesday his party insists on acquiring greater representation through a national unity government.
"We hope that the governing majority realizes the importance of this opportunity to correct the misrepresentation in power after they have violated all the agreements, which were the basis for accepting to participate in the current government," Fadlallah said.
"We will not give up our demand ... We are not seeking to topple the government or change it, but we want to participate in power to boost the country," he added.
General public shows little faith in consultation talks
'You know the muppet show? they are like that'
By Paige Austin
Special to The Daily Star
Wednesday, November 08, 2006
BEIRUT: The consultation meetings under way in Downtown Beirut have done little to raise people's hopes for reconciliation among the country's feuding political factions, according to a series of interviews conducted on Tuesday by The Daily Star. The people interviewed offered a range of takes on the meetings and the only thing that united them, it seemed, was serious doubt about the likelihood of political detente.
A medical student, who - like many of the people interviewed for this article - declined to give her name, said the first day of consultations elicited frequent jokes from her classmates.
"We would be sitting around and someone would say: 'So do you think they've gotten anything done yet?' And everyone would laugh," she recalled.
Leila Khalat, a Gemmayzeh business owner, had even sharper words for the politicians meeting in Nijmeh Square, a few blocks to the west. "You know the Muppet Show? They are like that. They should stay in there ... talking to each other. Then they might leave us alone."
But not all Lebanese out and about on the streets of Beirut on Tuesday dismissed their politicians' maneuverings so readily. More often, people's views of the talks under way at Parliament reflected their broader political affiliation: The people interviewed usually said the negotiations' utility would pivot on whether one side - namely the one opposing those they supported - could overcome its shortsightedness and hunger for power long enough to do what was right for the country.
"The March 14 Forces want to control the whole regime," said Amal Sukariah, a supporter of MP Michel Aoun. "They won't share with anyone." The coalition's leaders, he added, seemed to be taking orders from Western powers.
"I hope God will give them the brains to think of Lebanon," he said. His friend, seated next to him outside the Cafe Younes coffee shop in Hamra, interjected teasingly: "You sound like Bush now, talking about God."
Sukariah waved off his friend's attack. "No, they need to make concessions! There is an Israeli project to destroy Lebanon ... [The Israelis] don't want a liberated Lebanon, a united Lebanon." By refusing calls by Free Patriotic Movement and Hizbullah for a unity government, he said, the March 14 Forces' leaders were playing into Israel's hands.
"Nonsense," countered Said, a taxi driver and self-declared "Jumblatti:" The March 8 Forces, in his opinion, were engaged in a simple power grab. "The president of the republic is with them! What else do they want?" he said. "This is the best possible government: No better government can come of these talks."
As for Hizbullah and its allies, Said agreed with several of the group's opponents that it had doomed the latest efforts at dialogue when it laid down its conditions for success at the outset. "That is no way to negotiate. You have to be ready to make concessions," he said. A moment later, he clucked his tongue and sped away from a man asking for a service to Shiah, in Beirut's southern suburbs.
"I never go there!" he explained to his remaining passengers. "I don't like that area ... This country has some excellent people but it also has some very bad ones."
Many others shared his ire for Hizbullah. If the consultations failed, they said, it would certainly be the resistance's fault.
"They established these pre-conditions," said Tony Gemayel, a university student mixing with friends in Gemmayzeh. Besides, he added, "It's not right: There was an election. The government was established; the majority was established."
Yet even with all the nay-saying, several people said they appreciated any attempt to avert the outbreak of fighting. One Hizbullah supporter said he expected the dialogue to yield results in two or three days, but declined to elaborate.
"Hizbullah is good to everyone," he said, "but the entire world is against Hizbullah."
Downtown, the talks cast a ghostlike pall over the sidewalks of Solidere. Hundreds of troops lined the streets, turning back cars and searching pedestrians. Within their cordon, many shops were closed, and restaurants had only smatterings of patrons, if any. Their owners were conducting a demonstration near Parliament - as close as they could get - protesting the renewed halt in business. One employee near Parliament said soldiers had searched him four times on his way to work.
"Every dialogue is like this," he added ruefully as several black Mercedes sedans sped past outside, whizzing party leaders home after their second day of talks. "No customers, no sales. No salary at the end of the month ... This is supposed to be a tourist area. Who would want to come, when they see all these soldiers?"
Picture book celebrates all those 'Lebanese' who left
Familiar figures like CEO Carlos Ghosn are joined by surprises like ex-Senator George Mitchell
By Nour Samaha
Daily Star staff
Thursday, November 09, 2006
Review
BEIRUT: If you've ever wondered whether the grass is greener on the other side of Lebanon's borders, then the recently published English translation of "Lebanese Imprints on the Twentieth Century, Volume I" will quickly answer in the affirmative. It's well known that millions more Lebanese reside outside of Lebanon than the approximately 4 million remaining in. And it should come as no surprise that wherever they are in the world, they strive to achieve success in their chosen fields.
Editors Asma Freiha and Viviane Ghanem have produced a visually driven compendium of successful figures from around the world, all with Lebanese origins. They guide their readers through the lives of each figure, beginning with the village in which the person has roots, explaining their family background, describing their climb to success in their adopted country and then finishing with either where they are now or what kind of legacy they left behind.
The intense background check to which each personality has been subjected answers any questions a skeptical reader may have regarding the "Lebanese" connection. But the criteria for inclusion are as broad as they are wide. The majority of people profiled are second-generation Lebanese whose parents or grandparents migrated around the end of the 19th century.
"Lebanese Imprints," published by Dar Assayad, was originally printed in French. It covers every profession imaginable, from arts and entertainment to enterprise, industry, literature, medicine, politics and sports.
In their introduction, Freiha and Ghanem stress that they wanted to demonstrate that anyone with "a sense of determination and a strong work ethic" can make a name for themselves, with the common connection between all of them being the fact that they have, in some way or another, Lebanese origins.
The two editors also emphasize the point that every Lebanese in Lebanon has at least one relative who has left the country in search of a better life. Freiha and Ghanem take care to explain that migration to other lands has been integral to the Lebanese experience for centuries, primarily due to pressures from within Lebanon. Better-known instances of this include the violence of 1860, famine in the early 20th century, the oil boom in the Gulf and the 1975-1990 Civil War.
Examples of Lebanese migration to the New World can be traced back as early as Youssef Moussa George from Miziara, who settled in Brazil in 1800, and Antonios Bechaalani, the first Lebanese to reach America in 1854.
That said, the editors end their introductory notes with a strong statement: "Lebanese Imprints" is "not a call to emigration. Quite the opposite, it is a message to all our children born in the war years and since, that success can be attained anywhere and that it is possible to make the world a better place."
The book sheds lights on an interesting array of people, some renowned for their Lebanese roots, such as Omar Sharif, the Egyptian-born actor whose parents hailed from Zahleh. Recognized for his lead role in innumerable Egyptian films, Sharif burst onto the international arena with his role as Sherif Ali Ibn al-Karish in "Lawrence of Arabia," and again as Yuri in "Doctor Zhivago."
Ralph Nader is another reputable Lebanese represented in "Lebanese Imprints." Born in the United States but originally from Arsoun, he became America's "consumer's crusader and public defender" through his initiation of eight federal consumer protection laws, along with numerous publications, before attempting to run for president on the Green Party ticket in 1996, 2000 and 2004.
Others include Charles Malik, who helped draft the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights; Carlos Ghosn, the CEO of Nissan and Renault, who was able to bring Nissan back from the brink of failure in the span of just two years; Nicolas Hayek, creator of the multinational Swiss watch group, Swatch, and pioneer of the ecologically sound two-seater, the Smart car; and Elie Saab, the fashion designer whose collections are sold throughout the world and worn by starlets who grace the red carpets in Hollywood.
There are also some more obscure figures included in "Lebanese Imprints," whose success is lesser-known yet fascinating and in some cases inspiring. One of several such intriguing people is George Hatem, Chairman Mao's personal physician. Born in New York in 1910 to Lebanese parents, he was drawn to discovering Chinese medicine and moved to Shanghai. He became friendly with Mao Zedong, and was the first foreigner to join the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party. He earned the name Ma Haide, meaning "the foreigner from overseas," and contributed toward eradicating small-pox from China.
Another inspiring figure is Hassan Kamel al-Sabbah, born in 1895 in Nabatiyeh. Heavily engrossed in scientific research, over the course of his career he patented 52 inventions, 32 of which were in his own name. His most important discoveries were directly related to the development of television and, in particular, to the cathode tube.
The collection does not stop there; it goes on to include biographies of such writers as Amin Maalouf, Gibran Khalil Gibran and Nagib Saleeby, along with such artists as Walid Raad, Pierre Audi and Nabil Nahas, all of whom are billed here as prominent advocates of Lebanese arts and culture.
And then, there are a few surprises: "teacher in space" Christa McAuliffe (nee Makhlouf) of the ill-fated Challenger shuttle; Lucky Roosevelt (nee Salwa Shucair), White House chief of protocol during the Reagan administration; and former US Senator and peace negotiator George Mitchell whose grandfather, James Kilroy, was born in Boston in 1900 and adopted by a Lebanese couple, both of whom were born in Lebanon, lived 10 years in Egypt and then emigrated to the United States, where they anglicized their name to Mitchell. Surely, say the authors of "Lebanese Imprints," Mitchell must have been Mikhayel.
"Lebanese Imprints" is designed in such a way as to include all the necessary photographs and benchmarks of success for each of the figures profiled, giving the collection the weight of a glossy, polished, coffee-table tome. The book itself is a conversation piece, chock full of interesting but also naggingly useless trivia about fellow Lebanese.
The texts answer all the familial questions - where each person comes from, who their parents are, what kind of education they received and what they are doing with themselves now. Typical, yes. But this is, after all, precisely the information that still turns the gears of casual conversation in Lebanese society
Witnesses say Israel still has troops in and around Ghajar
By Iman Azzi and Mohammed Zaatari -Daily Star staff
Thursday, November 09, 2006
BEIRUT/GHAJAR: The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) expects to confirm the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Lebanese part of Ghajar and other border territories today, a UN spokesman said on Wednesday. "UNIFIL is carrying out an investigative patrol in order to confirm the Israeli withdrawal from the area around Ghajar," UNIFIL spokesperson Milos Strugar told The Daily Star. "UNIFIL will verify the withdrawal tomorrow with the handover of the area to the Lebanese Army.
"The Israelis are still present inside Lebanese territory in Ghajar and the immediate vicinity of a few hundred meters. Hopefully, soon we will have an agreement over this."
In Israel, an Israeli military official confirmed on Tuesday that "at 1500 hours (1300 GMT) we withdrew forces from open areas north of the village of Ghajar. But at the moment, we are not changing our deployment inside the village itself."
Eyewitnesses reported on Wednesday that Israeli troops had still not withdrawn from Ghajar or its surrounding areas, however, and Lebanese journalists in the area reported a confrontation with Israeli forces on the outskirts of the village. The National News Agency's Southern correspondent told The Daily Star that "any withdrawal of the Israeli Army from Ghajar has not been yet spotted."
In addition, Israeli soldiers reportedly set up checkpoints in and around Ghajar and conducted extensive patrols of the area on Wednesday.
While standing next to barbed wire separating the northern part of Ghajar from Lebanon, a group of Lebanese journalists were approached by an Israeli soldier who ordered them to leave the area, despite their position on Lebanese land.
The Israeli patrol threatened that it would be forced to fire on the journalists "since the area is still under Israeli authority," one patrol member said.
When a reporter from Hizbullah's Al-Manar television stationed refused to budge, the Israeli soldier singled him out and said "you specifically cannot be here."Soldiers from the Indian contingent of UNIFIL intervened, convincing the journalists to follow Israeli orders and recording the incident.
UNIFIL's commander, Major General Alain Pellegrini, told reporters that the force would be looking closer into the Israeli presence around Ghajar.
As for the Israeli withdrawal from the village of Ghajar itself, Pellegrini said that the Israeli troops informed him they soon would be pulling out from the western bank of the Hasbani River, which runs near the border village. The developments came as a top US defense official, speaking from Amman on Wednesday, said that Prime Minister Fouad Siniora's government should exert sovereignty over all Lebanese territory to avert another war.
"Our Defense Department is going to do its share in helping the Lebanese armed forces to take control over the whole country," US Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Peter Rodman told reporters. "In order to prevent another crisis from happening, the Lebanese government, the Lebanese Army, have to exert its sovereign control over the whole country, including the Aouth," Rodman added on the eve of a trip to Beirut. - With agencies, Naharnet
Jumblatt: Dumping Rizk will hurt Hariri tribunal
Lahoud wants justice minister out
By Maher Zeineddine -Daily Star correspondent
Thursday, November 09, 2006
BEIRUT: Progressive Socialist Party leader MP Walid Jumblatt voiced concern Wednesday that a possible Cabinet reshuffle that could see the removal of Justice Minister Charles Rizk would have negative repercussions on the creation of an international tribunal to try former Premier Rafik Hariri's assassins. Jumblatt telephoned Rizk on Wednesday to "express solidarity" with the minister against what he called "a political campaign ... that falls within attempts to hamper the formation of an international tribunal."
Pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat quoted a French diplomatic source as saying that Rizk's presence as head of the ministry was a "guarantee that no [Lebanese] party would meddle with an international decision."
"If a unity Cabinet is formed, Lebanon should, in exchange, give its final approval of the law; otherwise the international tribunal would be toppled," the source added. Jumblatt said warnings of such a scenario had gone unheeded. "We tried to tell this stubborn party that the crisis is escalating and that the unconditional support to the tribunal would help us avoid divisions and protect the resistance," he said.
In an interview with LBC on Wednesday, Rizk said there were "attempts in the Security Council to find a consensual formula for the tribunal."
However, sources close to Baabda Palace said President Emile Lahoud made clear on Tuesday that he would not approve any new or expanded Cabinet that included Rizk.The justice minister admitted to "a major disagreement" between himself and the president over the tribunal. "I took charge of the issue of the tribunal in line with my legal authority and Cabinet's decision," he added. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan met Tuesday with, Serge Brammertz, the head of the UN commission investigating Hariri's murder, Annan's office said. The United Nations described the meeting as routine.
The Lebanese government received a final proposal last week for the international court. The draft awaits the approval of Beirut and the Security Council.
The US envoy to the UN, John Bolton, said Tuesday that Washington wanted to see the proposal move forward rapidly.
"We are very concerned to move quickly to set up the tribunal," Bolton told reporters, "within the next few days, or certainly next week, if possible."
The French source quoted by Al-Hayat said the Security Council could refer an endorsed resolution for the creation of the tribunal to the Lebanese government in the coming days. The UN wants the tribunal to be set up before the conclusion of Brammertz's investigative panel, which is due to issue its next report in mid-December, a UN official said. The source added that Moscow has made clear to Paris its determination to no longer represent Syrian interests at the Security Council after the emergence of evidence that Hizbullah used Russian weapons provided by Syria during the July-August war with Israel. The Al-Hayat report quoted Russian Foreign Minister Sergui Lavrov as having told his French counterpart, Philippe Douste-Blazy, that his government supported the international tribunal but still has reservations concerning the proposal. - With agencies
UNIFIL investigates reports of thefts by Italian troops
By Mohammed Zaatari -Daily Star staff
Thursday, November 09, 2006
BINT JBEIL: UNIFIL's military police are investigating reports that a group of Italian troops in Hariss, near Bint Jbeil, stole more than $300 in merchandise from a shop in the village. In the village of Hariss in the qada of Bint Jbeil, soldiers from the Italian contingent allegedly walked into a shop that sells military apparel and gear and pocketed over $300 in merchandise. The shop's owner, Moussa Souweidan, said eight Italian soldiers engaged in "military tactics" to shoplift from his store, meaning one group distracted him while another attempted to provide cover for a third group that loaded their pockets with various items. Souweidan realized that something was up when he noticed that the Italian soldiers' shopping bags contained a lot more items than what they had paid for. The shop owner also noticed that a number of items, including boots displayed outside the store, were missing.
Souweidan confronted and accused the peacekeepers of stealing but was prevented by the soldiers from searching their vehicle for the stolen goods.
A quick call was then made to the Lebanese Internal Security Forces, who arrived on the scene along with some members of the UN's military police.
"The security forces, along with the military police, attempted to shush the whole issue, and promised they would pay me compensation for the stolen goods," Souweidan told The Daily Star.
Speaking to The Daily Star Wednesday, UNIFIL spokesperson Milos Strugar said: "UNIFIL is aware of the case and it is currently under investigation by the UNIFIL military police." A UNIFIL source told The Daily Star the incident was "a solitary act," and such incidents "could be controlled by imposing strict military laws." Meanwhile, local news reports said a Spanish patrol attempted to search a home in Khiam late Tuesday.
This is the second time patrols from UNIFIL's Spanish contingent have allegedly entered the inner roads of villages to search homes in search of arms. The first claim was made in Houla on Monday. But Strugar denied the reports, as he had earlier this week, saying: "There were absolutely no searches on houses or attempts to search," he said, adding that such reports were "dangerous" for the mission. A group of Khiam residents denounced the alleged searches during a protest held Wednesday in front of the local municipality to call upon the Lebanese Army for protection. - Additional reporting by Iman Azzi
Post-conflict Lebanon: the landscape beyond Hizbullah
Tensions among rival factions demonstrate growing public display of polarization
By Marco Vicenzino
Thursday, November 09, 2006
Expert opinion Marco vicenzino
Since the UN-brokered cease-fire on August 14, Lebanon has witnessed a growing public display of post-conflict polarization - as demonstrated by recent clashes between rival factions and the largest public rallies representing diametrically opposing views of the conflict and the nation's future.
On September 22, Hizbullah's leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, defied security concerns to speak to a gathering of 800,000 supporters at a "divine victory" rally. Two days later, Samir Geagea, leader of the Christian Lebanese Forces and member of the March 14 Forces, held a rally denouncing the conflict as a major reversal for Lebanon and emphasized the need to support the central government and the disarming of all militias.
Convening the rally at an important Christian religious site, the Shrine of the Virgin Mary at Harissa, significantly added symbolism to an already tense and divisive state of affairs. While the domestic and international debate concerning the multinational UN presence continues, the force's full impact is not yet felt as troops continue to arrive gradually.
Although opposing views were expressed by some during the 34-day conflict, Geagea's speech was by far the most comprehensive, outspoken and defiant speech against Hizbullah since the cease-fire from any major figure across the political spectrum. In essence, Geagea's speech may have marked the throwing down of the gauntlet in the intensifying war of words.
Many former enemies of the 1975-90 Civil War, such as Geagea and Walid Jumblatt, have found a common home in the March 14 coalition. Some of the underlying factors uniting the parties include opposition to Syrian influence in Lebanon and agreement on a common vision of a secular Lebanon rooted in democratic institutions. But there is no single charismatic individual able to coalesce these often disparate forces and the movement's structural foundations remain fairly weak. This allows Hizbullah, under Nasrallah's firm and unchallenged leadership in the Shiite community, to easily exploit the differences of other sects to its advantage.
United under the guidance of the wily Jumblatt, the Druze represent a dwindling minority whose numbers most likely constitute far less than 10 percent of the population. Although losing supremacy in the Shiite community to Hizbullah, Speaker Nabih Berri has skillfully reinvented himself over the years to emerge as the indispensable mediator between Hizbullah and all its internal and external opposition.
The Sunni community largely looks to the Hariri faction for leadership, which is currently affiliated with Prime Minister Fouad Siniora's central government, which survived the conflict but is currently being challenged by enormous post-conflict pressures. Although the premier has demonstrated a level of resilience defying the expectations of many skeptics, it remains uncertain for how long his government will survive.
Siniora came into office lacking the international stature, standing, charisma and force of personality of slain former Premier Rafik Hariri, whose success was largely based on his interpersonal skills, particularly an acute understanding of the needs of others and a remarkable ability to deliver which created an aura of indispensability about him. This facilitated the creation of an international network of contacts and friendships accumulated over a lifetime in the private sector which played an enormous role in political dealings internationally as premier.
Since its creation, the Siniora government has struggled to achieve a broad consensus to advance the national agenda, which clearly reflects the divisive and fractious state of affairs of current Lebanese politics.
The Christian community, once Lebanon's largest and most influential power-brokers, remains the country's most divided sect, with no single prominent leader. Its pre-1975 status of privilege and pre-eminence is long gone. Its dwindling numbers are largely attributable to lower birth rates and massive emigration over the past century, with more Lebanese Christians (including their offspring) residing overseas than in Lebanon.
Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Butros Sfeir arguably remains the only figure who can speak with any moral authority on behalf of Lebanon's Maronites, but perhaps not the Greek Orthodox community. The patriarch's opinion and counsel are widely sought in the international arena, as evidenced by regular meetings with high-ranking international figures, particularly US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Although politically influential, the patriarch remains a religious figure, which ultimately provides no substitute for a prominent secular leader needed to represent the community at the national level, particularly in the current state of polarization and when a new Maronite president will be chosen in 2007. The patriarch's blessing and approval remain an important custom.
The only two secular Christian figures who continue to exert influence remain the Civil- War-time leaders Geagea and Michel Aoun. In the last stage of the 1975-90 Civil War, they led an intra-sectarian, fratricidal conflict between Christians which ultimately culminated in a final defeat for the entire Christian community and the loss of its influence. The Taif Accord ending the Civil War ultimately consolidated this defeat. Aoun fled to exile in France and Geagea was eventually imprisoned for 11 years in solitary confinement on charges stemming from the war. In the autumn of 2005, Geagea was pardoned by the Lebanese Parliament, but Hizbullah's MPs abstained from the vote.
Since his release, Geagea has been recovering and reorganizing his political base, which remained fiercely loyal during his absence. Although Geagea has made several public appearances over the past year, his September 24 speech may mark a more prominent, full-scale return to the political scene and a growing presence within the March 14 Forces.
Geagea arguably enjoys only 15-20 percent support within the Christian community, but it remains a well-organized and staunchly devoted minority, particularly in the traditional Maronite strongholds in the mountains of North Lebanon.
Aoun is the only other major figure with significant support in the Christian community and one of the few figures who can claim some support from across the sectarian spectrum. This is mostly due to his strong military and nationalist credentials and reputation among his supporters for incorruptibility. However, his base of support is ultimately dependent and rooted in the Christian community for which numbers range from 25 to 40 percent (although the numbers are not fully clear).
Aoun returned to Lebanon in May 2005 after some 15 years of exile in France. Within a month of his return, he led an impressive electoral performance in the June 2005 parliamentary polls, despite the obstacles of Syrian-gerrymandered voting districts designed to prevent significant Christian electoral gains.
However, the high expectations and hopes that accompanied Aoun's return have yet to materialize over a year later. The general has yet to capture the wider public imagination beyond his core constituency. The reasons are the subject of fierce debate littered by charges and countercharges, particularly concerning his relationship with the March 14 Forces and specifically with the Hariri faction.
Aoun's supporters claim that the March 14 leaders attempted to sideline him from the very beginning - that is, immediately after the Syrian departure - by insisting he not return to Lebanon until after the elections. The bickering that ensued in the following months ultimately led to Aoun's memorandum of understanding with Hizbullah in February 2006, which from some quarters drew charges of treason and having "sold out" to the Syrians.
Aoun's relationship with Hizbullah may represent a long-term strategic calculation and tactical move based on the reality that Lebanon's Shiites will inevitably become the majority and the Christians will diminish in numbers. Consequently, it would be best to build a relationship now and lock them into the current institutions of secular democracy, from which it would be more difficult to disengage in the future.
Aoun's supporters charge that a government-controlled media has further complicated his situation. Furthermore, Aoun's insistence on a public audit of all government officials has further complicated relations with the central government.
Aoun's critics note that his authoritarian style and tendencies make collaboration and cooperation nearly impossible. He never intended to become part of the March 14 Forces and sought pretexts for a rift to emerge. He ultimately remains a military man in civilian clothing whose only obsession is becoming president of Lebanon.
Aoun's critics say Aounism is about Aoun himself and that eventually with his death there will be no credible successor to his movement. His current age and health serve as liabilities to his political aspirations.
Aoun's political organization, the Free Patriotic Movement, officially became a political party in the autumn of 2005. The party's vision and political platform call for a secular, democratic Lebanon and the fight against corruption remains a core theme. The organization has significant support from many young committed idealists, many of whom protested regularly and were subject to repression by the Syrian and Lebanese security apparatus from 1990 to 2005.
The higher level of the party hierarchy is composed of long-time, senior Aoun loyalists and the grass-roots machinery is staffed largely by supporters in their 20s and 30s. However, the party lacks a group of seasoned mid-career professionals and senior technocrats (in their 40s and 50s) that can bridge the gap and convert the party into a fully effective political entity.
Ultimately, Aoun's main challenges are internally driven. His sporadic public outbursts and sensationalist statements contribute to an image of instability (particularly when statements are interpreted literally), diminish his credibility and a loss of important political capital. There is also the lack of a formidable strategic communications team able to deliver a coherent message. Despite the party's tech-savvy Web site, the oral message from the leader and principal spokesman is not connecting effectively. All this combined has facilitated the task of Aoun's opponents, particularly those in the media.
Marco Vicenzino is the founder and executive director of the Global Strategy Project. He served as deputy executive director of the International Institute for Strategic Studies-US (IISS-US) in Washington, DC, and is an international attorney. He is a graduate of Oxford University and Georgetown University Law Center and has taught International Law at the School of International Service of American University. He can be contacted at msv@globalsp.org.
Christian candidate stands alone in Bahraini elections
By Agence France Presse (AFP)
Thursday, November 09, 2006
Profile
MANAMA: Ibrahim Zahi Suleiman is the sole Christian among 171 candidates in Bahrain's November 25 municipal elections, but he says he does not feel discriminated against in the small Muslim kingdom. "I am proud to be the only Bahraini Christian candidate in the municipal polls," the 42-year-old former civil servant told AFP. "I don't feel any discrimination against me ... and I came forward to return the favor to the country which gave me a home and to serve it." Suleiman, who is of Jordanian origin, is one of about 1,000 Christian citizens of Bahrain, mostly of Arab descent. The archipelago has a number of Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox churches. Bahrain, which has a population of 650,000, including 450,000 natives, is also home to a small number of Jewish families. "One of the main reasons I am standing in the elections is that I want to entrench democracy, in which there is no discrimination along ethnic, religious or sectarian lines," Suleiman said.
Bahrainis will elect the 40 members of their national Parliament on November 25, as well as five municipal councils for their five provinces.
"My father was one of the founders of the Bahrain Defense Force [BDF], where he served from 1969 to 1985," Suleiman said. "I myself worked for the BDF from 1986 until this year, and I acquired Bahraini citizenship in 1994."
Suleiman, who has a master's in law and works as a trainee lawyer, is running in southern Bahrain, a tribal and mostly Sunni area.
Despite his confidence, Suleiman admitted that his path may not be all smooth after a local newspaper reported that some had criticized his candidacy and were waging a campaign of incitement against him.
Although he had no evidence of such hostility, Suleiman said these reports "might undermine my election campaign as some people are liable to be influenced by such [religious] considerations." Suleiman is running on a platform focused largely on environmental issues.
"We must expand green areas and set up clubs for young people so that our children can live in a healthy environment," said the father of three.
If Suleiman clinches one of the 40 seats up for grabs in the local polls, he will not, however, be the first Bahraini Christian to sit on a municipal council.
In the 1920s, Christians were represented on Bahrain's sole municipal council, which was first elected in 1919, becoming the third in the Arab world after the councils of Alexandria in Egypt and Tunis. The council's members at the time were elected on a sectarian basis. There were representatives for Sunnis, Shiites and minorities - Christians, Jews and Hindus.